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Harvard College 


Mary Osgood 


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ftonOon: FETTER LANE, E.C. 

C. F. CLAY, Manager 

Elrinbingf): ioo» PRINCES STREET 

ISnItn: A. ASHER & CO. 

Ecip^ig: F. A. BROCKHAUS 

^dsSorfc: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 

Bombag inH (Tilottta: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 

AU righh reserved 










Cambridge : 

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THIS book lays little claim to be considered as more than a 
compilation, checked where possible by original research. 
It is an attempt to bring together the very various authorities on 
the district of Asia Minor with which it deals, and to digest the 
mass of available information into a convenient form. The 
district, crossed and re-crossed by numerous travellers, is com- 
paratively well known, and consequently affords greater oppor- 
tunity than most parts of Asia Minor for a treatise which may 
serve as a more or less permanent basis for future workers. At 
the same time new discoveries — ^and the output of inscriptions 
seems inexhaustible — may at any moment refute (or less pro- 
bably justify) the conclusions here put forward as hypotheses. 

Hitherto no excavation worthy of the name has been under- 
taken on the site of Cyzicus. Private plundering was rife in Cyriac's 
time and has continued to our own day. Some attempt at more 
serious investigation seems to have been made about 1844 by 
Lord Eastnor, who, according to MacFarlane, ''spent a con- 
siderable time at Cyzicus and made some excavations, but 
unfortunately his notes and drawings have been lost or destroyed 
through the foundering of the vessel in which they were em- 

In more recent times Mr Frank Calvert of the Dardanelles 
opened tombs on the site^ and kindly permits me to print the 
following notes respecting the modes of burial : 

" My archaeological researches at Cyzicus were limited to the 
excavation of some tombs. The results were a fine blue oenochoe 




^ i 


» Turkty and her Dtstiny^ i. 451, note* Cf. Ch. While s ComtantinofU (1844) 
III. 160 (note). 

* The bare fact is mentioned in Murray's Asia Minor ^ p. 345. Some of the 
lesnltant antiquities are catalogued by K. B. Stark. 


and dish, a small moulded aryballos — amethyst colours — (this I 
believe is in the British Museum) and a number of other glass 
objects and terra-cotta lamps: a much-worn stele, which I believe 
to be of the 2nd or 3rd century B.C., and a sepulchral inscription 
(Christian) shew the necropolis was successively used for several 
centuries. In another locality I found a built chamber roofed 
with long pieces of marble with a slab for a door of the same 
material. The chamber was paved with large tiles. A number 
of skeletons lay on the floor, but nothing of interest was dis- 
covered. The tomb was free of soil. Another form of interment 
was the adaptation of an enormous earthen pipe, with flat tiles 
closing the ends as the pipe lay horizontally buried in the ground. 
In other parts of the city itself I picked up a head of Pallas, the 
lower half of a statue, a dolphin and other fragments.'' 

M. Tito Carabella's excavations in 1876 were confined to the 
opening of trial trenches on the Acropolis hill, and the result 
was considered so disappointing that they were soon abandoned. 
Mr de Rustafjaell's attempt in 1901 — 2 was still more abortive, 
though both these expeditions brought to light important 

The site, considered as a whole, is indeed so large and land 
so costly as to unfit it for private excavation, though certain 
areas, e.g. the theatre region within the walls and the so-called 
agora of the temple of Hadrian without, are attractive. It is 
greatly to be hoped that the work will in the end be systematic- 
ally undertaken by one of the archaeological schools. Whichever 
of them it may be, our own can fairly claim to have contributed 
much pioneer work, being responsible for the only reliable 
archaeological map of the site, as also to a large extent for 
the present publication. 

, From future excavation we may reasonably hope to fill some 
of the lacunae in the history of Cyzicus ; at present records are 
sadly deficient, especially during the Hellenistic period when 
Cyzicene prosperity seems to have reached its climax : this, too, 
in spite of a vast increase in epigraphical material. From the 
excavator's point of view it is a hopeful sign that the two 
tentative excavations are responsible for so large a pro- 
portion of the important Cyzicene inscriptions of late years ; 


and it is probably to the deeper levels of the site itself that we 
must look for the most valuable monuments in the future. 

My own connection with the site dates from 1902, when I 
assisted Mr Henderson with the survey, under the auspices of 
the British School : later it seemed imperative to extend the 
field of research to the surrounding country, and my yearly 
journeys (1903 — 6), though not without epigraphic and numis- 
matic results, were made with the primary object of gaining a 
general knowledge of the district and a more vivid impression of 
the sites and existing remains than is to be gained from books. 

I feel that some explanation is needed for the ill-defined 
boundaries of the tract of country of which I have treated. It 
represents in the main the territory of Cyzicus as laid down by 
Strabo, to which have been added (i) southward, the plain of 
Balukiser and the middle Macestus valley, which belong geo- 
graphically to Northern Mysia, and have an especial strategic 
importance for the Cyzicene district in the Byzantine period ; and 
(2) westward, Priapus, as possibly a colony of Cyzicus and later 
the most important harbour of the district, and, for its religious 
associations, the Homeric city of Adrasteia. 

The plan of the essay is as follows : the first part has been 
devoted to the topography of the whole district, together with 
the scanty details which have reached us of the individual history 
of the outlying townships : after the description of the Chersonese 
and the Islands, and a brief discussion of general physical points 
on the mainland, the order adopted is that of a circular tour, 
eastward from the isthmus to Triglia and Apollonia, south to 
Balukiser, north and west to Karabogha and so east to the 
Manyas plain : the territory is roughly divided into districts, 
and smaller sites are grouped around the main centres of popu- 
lation ; by this method it is hoped to secure such continuity in 
the history of these districts as is possible, and to shew the 
ancient and modern conditions side by side : a separate chapter 
has been assigned to the discussion of the road system. 

The second part treats of the history of Cyzicus, from its 
mythical foundation down to its last appearance, together with 
such events affecting the province as can reasonably be associated 
with it 


The third section deals with the reh'gion of the city and dis- 
trict, the fourth with Cyzicene government, including a section 
on the gymnasia and games. To this has been appended a 
classified list of inscriptions from the district : inscriptions are 
referred to in the text by their numbers in this list. 

It remains to express my gratitude to my many teachers and 
in particular to those who have assisted me directly in this work. 
The debt of any later writer on Cyzicus to Marquardt is obvious 
and felt : no less so are my obligations to Professor Ridgeway's 
lectures and Professor Ramsay's writings — I would that Cyzicene 
sculpture had given me more direct cause to express my in- 
debtedness to Professor Waldstein ! — while to the constant 
stimulus and encouragement of Professor R. C. Bosanquet, I 
may truthfully confess, this book owes its very existence. 

To these names I would add those of Messrs Ernest and 
John Thomson of Constantinople, who have in many ways 
lightened for me the difficulties of travel, and of their faithful 
servant, the companion of all my peregrinations, Ali Ibrahim. 

I have further gratefully to acknowledge loans of blocks 
and photographs from the German Archaeological Institute, 
the British School at Athens, and the Society for the Promotion 
of Hellenic Studies (see List of Illustrations), Figs. 19 and 24 
are reproduced by courteous permission of the Directors from 
photographs in the possession of the Imperial Museum at 

The proof-readers have my thanks and sincere sympathy. 

F. W. H. 

Athens, 191a 



Preface vii 



I. Cyzicus I 

II. Artaki and the Kapu Dagh i6 

III. The Islands 30 

IV. The Mainland: Physical Features 39 

V. Coast Sites : Aidinjik to Triglia 48 

VI. Apollonia 68 

VII. Miletupolis, Lopadium, Mihallitch 74 

VIII. Hadrianutherae, Balukiser 88 

IX. The lower Granicus Plain ... • • > 9S 

X. The Aesepus Plain 10 1 

XI. The upper Aesepus Valley no 

XII. Poemanenum 115 

XIII. Roads 124 


XIV. Population 145 

XV. The Argonautic Legend 157 

XVI. The Milesian Colony . 163 

XVII. Relations with Persia and Greece, 502-362 ... 165 

XVIII. The Hellenistic Period 170 

XIX. Early Relations with Rome 178 

XX. The Roman Period 182 

XXI. Constantine and his Successors 192 

XXII. Turks and Franks 195 

XXIII. The Turkish Conquest 200 


XXIV. General characteristics, Christianity 206 

XXV. Kore 210 

XXVI. The Mother of the Gods 214 

XXVII. Zeus and Asklepios 223 

XXVIII. Apollo and Artemis 228 

XXIX. Other Gods and Heroes 23s 

XXX. Funeral Monuments 241 

XXXI. Nomenclature 245 

Part IV. 

XXXII. Government 250 

Index of Inscriptions 263 

Lists of Eponymi and Strategi 304 

Bibliography 310 

Index 333 



Stele-head with relief of Kore {/M.S. xxiv) . . Vignette 

Cyzicus: hexagonal tower (Hellenic Society) to face i 

Fig. I. Artaki Road i6 

Plan of Aboulliond 68 

Aboulliond : tower called '* Kastro" and Hill of S. George 69 

Kermasti : g^lle in the turbeh of Lala Shahin ... 75 

Sketch plan of Ulubad 80 

Ulubad: tower on the south wall 81 

Issiz Khan : Sketch plan 84 

Issiz Khan 85 

Site of Pegae : Sketch plan 99 

Tower at Karabogha 100 

Sketch plan of Chinar Bunar-Kale {Ath. Mitth, xxix) 104 

Sketch plan shewing estate of Laodice „ „ 107 

Plan of Pericharaxis . . . . „ „ . 113 

Aesepus bridge: Sketch elevation (^.5.^. xii) 128 

„ „ View from north „ „ . 128 

„ „ Detail of piers „ „ . 129 

Elevations and plan of Sultan-Chair bridge {Ath, Mitth. 

xxix) facing 132 

Coin of Cyzicus with head of Kore Soteira (/.//. S. xxiv) 211 

Stele dedicated to Tolupiane (Imperial Museum) 217 
















































„ „ „ Andeiris {/,//.S. xxii) . 

„ „ „ Zeus Chalazios {f.H.S. xxiv) 

Relief of Apollo as Citharoedus, Aidinjik {f.H.S. xxiii) 
Stele dedicated to Apollo Krateanos {Ath, Mitth. xxx) 
Relief dedicated to Heracles (Imperial Museum) 




I. Environs of Cyzicus \ two sheets 

II. Site of Cyzicus {J.H.S. xxiv) . . , \ in 

III. Cyzicus et vicinia ... . . I ^^^ ^over 



Towards the western end of the Sea of Marmora, where 
Kapu Dftffh '^ begins to narrow to the Dardanelles, lies the 
(Arctonncsus). quondam island of Kapu Dagh, now a peninsula 
connected by three-quarters of a mile of marshy land with 
the southern shore of the little sea. It is an imposing 
mountainous mass rising at several points to a height of 
2500 feet, and roughly triangular in shape: the base, which 
has an extreme length of seventeen miles, faces the Thracian 
shore, and the two sides taper in towards the isthmus : from 
north to south the ** island" measures about nine miles. Of 
this triangle the western comer — west, that is, of a line drawn 
from Gonia to Vathy — is taken up by the peak of Klapsi 
(2530 feet), while the corresponding eastern comer consists of 
low rolling country capable of supporting the considerable 
village ports of Mihaniona and Peramo. The intermediate 
section is almost entirely mountainous and contains the chief 
range of the island, running roughly north-east and south- 
west, with the twin peaks of Did6 Bair and Adam Kaya» 
from which the Turkish name of the island, Kapu Dagh or 
Gate Mountain, is perhaps derived. 

On the gentle slope facing the Asiatic shore at the narrowest 
point of the original channel, stand the last remnants of the 
once important maritime city of Cyzicus, commanding to the 
west the bay of ArtakiS to the east the gulf of Panderma. 

I Called Port S. Pierre on Lechevalier's map (which I mnnue to be a bad reading 
of Porto Spiga on one of the earlier Italian pprtoiam, cf. Golfe de Spiga on the 
Catalan) and Sin. Aidine on the map of Has (1743). 

H. t 


The question whether the Kapu Dagh was originally an 
island or a peninsula has been much discussed ^ Th. Reinach 

especially has been at pains to prove that the 

The Isthmus* . /•.« ^.t a^*/^*« «-r»i • ■ 

severing of the isthmus was artificial. This is, 
however, contrary not only to tradition but to the evidence 
afforded by the site". The isthmus of to-day is a dead level 
of swampy land some three-quarters of a mile broad, contrasting 
both with the low cliffs of the mainland and the fertile slopes 
of the peninsula. Narrow strips of sand along the sea on each 
side, heaped into dunes of a slight elevation on the east by 
the action of the prevalent north-easterly winds', enclose a 
marsh, inundated in winter, which is being gradually reclaimed 
to cultivation. On the side of the island, too, beyond the 
actual isthmus, a good deal of the land outside the western 
walls is flat, and has every appearance of a recent formation. 

This coincides with the general opinion of antiquity : 
Apollonius^ who drew, as we know, on earlier and local 
authorities, despite his ambiguities, calls it 1^0-09, and the 
scholiast explains his mention of the isthmus" by annotating 
vrjao^ varepov x^ppowriaos. ApoUonius' relation of the 
Argonaut myth shews that tradition regarded Cyzicus as an 
island at least in prehistoric times, since the Argonauts evi- 
dently sailed through the strait which divided it from the 
mainland : we shall discuss ApoUonius' topography at length 
in connection with the Argonaut myth. 

The passage of Scylax' mentioning the isthmus, on which 
Reinach lays stress as being our earliest record, is no evidence 
for the original condition of the island, and the date is at most 
but a few years before Alexander to whom Pliny^ attributes 

1 Mannert VI. 3, 539. Th. Reinach (R.E,G, vil. 1894, 48). 

* Cr. Perrot, Galatieet BUhynU i. 49. Judeich, SUtb. Kan, Prtuss, Akad, 1898, 
II. 551. Kiepert, Lehrbuch 107. Texier, Asie Mineure I. 164. Ruge, Fetermann*s 
Mitth, 1899, aa6. Marquaidt, Cyncus 10. 

' Consequently soundings average \ fathom close in shore on the eastern, as 
against i^ on the western side of the isthmus. 
^ Arg, I. 936, and scholiast. 

* Str. 682 uses the word twice of the long headlands of Cyprus, which are not 
isthmi in the modem sense. 

* $ 70= Geog, Afin. I. 68. ^ N.H, v. 3«. 


the connection of the town with the mainland. Anaximenes» 
quoted by Strabo^ calls the Arctonnesus an island. 

Of writers subsequent to Scylax, Mela' places Cyzicus 
" on the neck of the peninsula/' Stephanus' ** on the peninsula/' 
while Strabo\ Pliny* and Frontinus' call it an island joined 
to the mainland, quite harmonising with the rhetorical am- 
biguity of Aristides' who calls it " both island and peninsula." 
In addition to these authors we have three inscriptions' relating 
to the restoration of the port in the first century after Christ, 
shewing that there was then a passage through the bridges 
which could be blocked at will. 

It remains from these data to construct a consistent history 
of the isthmus. I suppose that the original island always 
approached the mainland most closely at the point of the 
present isthmus, and that this point and that of S. Simeon 
were the dfi^Sv/ioi cucral forming the original harbour Panormus : 
in the eastern comer of this bay was the built harbour of Chytus. 
This represents the half-imaginary state of things pictured by 
Apollonius. Some time in the fourth century, probably before 
Alexander*, and very possibly when the city gained her inde- 
pendence (which as we shall see was the starting point of 
the Cyzicene empire, both on land and seaX the point above- 
mentioned was connected with the mainland by a causeway 
and bridge — Frontinus insists that there was but one bridge 
at the time of the Mithradatic siege**. By Strabo's time a 
second bridge, west of the first, had been added, enclosing 
the sheet of water represented by the present marsh and 
retaining the name of Panormus, though popularly called the 

* Str. 635 s Frag. 4. ' Inscr. 1. 19. ' s.v. Ki^^xm. 

* 575. • MIf, V. 33. • III. 13. 6. 

' I. 386, Dind. Cf. also Ov. Trist, ix. 19, haerentem PropontUcis oris. Iiucr. 
(Inscr. IV. 69 b) nyrcUif K^^ffot in AniA. Pal, 7. 868. Stnbo 656 describes Cnidas 
in almost the same words. Cf. also 757. 

* Inscrr. t. 14, iv. 68, I v. 69. 

* Cf. the attempt of Memnon : the moles may be falsely attributed to Alexander 
on the analogy of Tyre (cf. Str. 757). Alexander seems to have had little enough 
to do with Cyzicus. 

** Frontin. tv. 13. 6, unus et angustus introitus. Cf. also Plut. ImcuU, 9, r^ av6 
ri|f ^c<^ov iUpymrm, rV w6\a^ tCpetwoif and the plural tupttwoi of the Tryphaena 
inscription, x<Wy« ««1 yt^pat in Aristidcs I. 386 (Dind.)- 

I — 2 



Pool (Xifivrf). A waterway was secured through the isthmus 
by cuttings (evpeiiroiy in the embankments, presumably spanned 
by drawbridges. In the first century after Christ these passages 
were deliberately blocked to assure communication with the 
mainland and with the Roman forces in the event of a raid from 
the pirates who infested the Hellespont at this time*. Natural 
processes, aided by neglect, were responsible for the silting up 
of the now entirely enclosed harbour ; a thorough dredging 
was undertaken by Tryphaena in the reign of Tiberius, and 
the channels were kept open as late, apparently, as the third 
century (when Syncellus mentions the iropdiiiov of Cyzicus"), 
while a century later Procopius was compelled to attack the 
town by sea. The last hint of the ** island " is Clavijo's mention 
of " a cape on the Turkish side called Quinisco, and they say 
that when Timour Beg defeated the Turk, certain troops 
who were in the battle fled to this cape and converted it into 
an island*." 

The harbour mentioned by Marcellinus* as closed by a 
chain I take to be the northern portion of the Pool which 
was protected by projections of the city wall. By this time, 
however, the connection of the two seas was not essential, 
as Cyzicus had little importance except as a purveyor to 
Constantinople. The earthquake of Justinian's reign was 
practically the end of the city, and the natural result of its 
decadence would be the substitution of the obvious roadsteads 
of Panderma and Artaki as the shipping ports of the Cyzicus 

1 575, yt^peus 9wfl ffvpavrctUmi* Phaselis also had three barboars and a pool. 
lb, 666 ; cf. also 673. 

* Cf. C.I.G, 3613. I cannot believe with Ruge (loc. cit, p. 136) that the passage 
had remained closed ever since the Mithradatic wsu-. 

> But this may refer rather to the channel between the Kapu Dagh and 

* HaklujTt Sodet/s ed. p. 38. There is no inherent improbability in the story, 
and Qavijo is contemporary. Ducas 73 B. says that Timour c/t ^puyio» r^ Kirta 
o^CTo jccU vo^'^ras iratrra woKlxPtd re xai w6X€tt ii\0t» tit *Afflap Ktd diafi^t 
*A9paiij6mw jccU 'Atf'tfor ^^cr c£t lUpyattM^, Chalcondyles, 157 B., ^v-t rj^ X^^P^y irpa- 
vorro ivl Sunfivayipf hri^poiui xp^^^i^^ ^> ^< ^ 'IcM^lor xoi ror 'BAXi^^vorror. 
The History of Tamerlam describes these raids in general terms. 

* Amm. Marc xxxvi. 8, 383 A.D. 


Beyond the Pool with its canals, an inscription^ mentions 
" harbours and projecting moles/* Strabo* speaks of two closed 
harbours, and Apollonius in addition to Panormus', which is 
fairly certainly the Pool, from its description as "having two 
entrances^" speaks of harbours known as Chytus' and 
Threicius*. Chytus was an artificial harbour in contradis- 
tinction to Panormus, and may probably be identified with 
the small western marsh. Of the Thracian harbour nothing 
further is known, but it is possibly represented by the small 
eastern marsh ; in spite of the symmetrical form of the latter, the 
irregular line of the wall over quite level ground in this quarter 
suggests a change in coast line, and the harbour may have 
originally extended further north. The entrances to both these 
smaller harbours were protected by moles, of which ruins 

The site of Cyzicus itself is now devoted to vine and 
mulberry culture, and shared by the inhabitants of 

y» COS. Hammamli, Yappaji Keui, Yeni Keui and Ermeni 
Keui ; it extended, as is shewn by the remains of the city 
wail, practically from sea to sea, ** blocking the isthmus*." The 
spot is popularly known as Bal-Kiz {** Honey maiden") probably, 
as Hamilton* suggests, originally a corruption of HaXaii^ 
Kv^ixoSf but associated by popular etymology with the Queen 
of Sheba, who is held by tradition to have had a palace 
there". The town, as Strabo says", lay partly (the north-east 

* s loser. IV. 57. " 575. * Sch. I. 954. 

* Sch. Ap. Rb. 1. 936, 940. £i. Mag, s.v. ' kfi/^ihtiuoit, 

* Ap. Rh. I. 987 and ichol. EL Mag. s.v. Xvrte. 

* Ap. Rh. I. 1 1 10. The scholiast is yaguely erudite. It was probably the port 
patronised by the traders from Byzantium and the Thracian ports ; cf. the Ef^ptian 
harbour at Tyre (Str. 787) and Aristides' allotment of the three harbours of 
Rhodes. 1. 797, Dind. 

' J MS, XXII. 183, 185. G. Cyzicenus gives the following account of the western 
in his day : B/t M r^ rXifvior oiYioX^ roO dvrurov /Wpoi/t fftifmu koI oUMtta^iai n 
XO/nyX^ Mo9 riji% ^oXd^^iff iKTtiP6fuw» 9ut v63at too, itc rrrpayumm^ /itydXmm Xl$%m 
marttutvmatUvw K9X #r itipti xaXo/fpuha^^ ri irecor ol iwrhiwtm 6t^ofidi'9V9i ZicdXar* 
rvx^ J^MM r4 inriaByi riXa4 i^ itA^pnyiui rijn ^aX^cift ((T. 83, 84, quoted by 

* Scylax 70. * II. I09. 

** Texier {11. 169) notes the occurrence of the name in several other parts of Asia 
Minor. For the Queen of Sheba legend see below, p. 904. 

'' 575. 


corner) on the hill called Bear Mountain (apparently as late 
as Meletius* and Sestini'), either from the alleged metamorphosis 
of the nurses of Zeus into bears, or because there were bears 
on it, or because it was so high that it approached the stars (!)• : 
the second is probably the true explanation, the other two 
being pedantic fictions of grammarians^ This north-east 
comer of the enceinte probably represents the seat of the 
Pelasgian Kings and the later Acropolis. 

The larger half of the city (the southern and western 
portions) lay on the low ground of the isthmus and the small 
plain on the Artaki side, where a large suburb probably grew 
up in imperial times outside the walls about the temple of 
Hadrian. The existent ruins are meagre and comparatively 
uninteresting. The city walls caa be traced with few breaks 
throughout their circuit and stand in some places to a consider- 
able height Inside them is the shapeless remnant of the 
theatre, overgrown with brushwood*, and outside the sub- 
structures of the temple of Hadrian and a few gaunt piers 
of the Amphitheatre — a subject rather for the artist than the 

The remains of the walls are naturally of various dates. 
Perrot' assigns the eastern to the middle of the fourth century, 
when the city seems to have been re-walled after the Spartan 

* Bithynia 4. * vi. 53. • Sch. Ap. Rh. i. 936. 

^ The whole peninsula is simiUurly called Arctonnesus by Stephanas and Pliny 
(v. 40. Cf. Ap. Kh. I. 941, 1 150). Bears, according to De Rostafjaell, are still to be 
found on the mountains. 

' Pococke says (p. 116) that in his lime the stones were already removed and the 
building oveigrown: he was informed by one well acquainted with the place that 
there were originally 47 seats. West of it he saw the marble seats of the eastern end 
of a "circus." Texier (p. 174) in 1835 saw two or three seats of the theatre still in 
place, the brushwood having been burnt off. 1\k<t proscenium had nearly disappeared 
but enough remained to shew that it was at right angles to the supporting walls of the 
cavea^ and had been faced with marble. The same author gives the diameter of the 
theatre as 100 metres. From the mass of shapeless ruins south of the theatre we may 
conjecture that it was an important point in the Hellenistic and Roman city. Texier 
(p. 174) distinguished in this quarter an agora, a portico and a temple, with iemetws^ 
orientated N. and S., of Roman date. The temple was faced with Synnada marble, 
and had red columns with white veins : from it may have come the beautiful supports 
for a Uble of offering found in the vicinity by Mr Henderson in 1903. Such 
objects have been found in siiu at Priene. 

* GttlaHe i. 69. Cf. Inscr. i. si and perhaps i. ii. 


occupation, and the upper courses of the southern ramparts 
to late imperial date. In 1902 we found little of distinctive 
Hellenic type: large portions, certainly, of the eastern wall 
are identical in style with the obviously Roman south-western 
towers, while Roman and even Byzantine detail is not in- 
frequently built in. Much may, however, be allowed for repeated 
restoration down to the fourteenth century, and subsequent 
piling of stones from neighbouring vineyards in front of the 
line of the wall makes it difficult to recc^nise the original 
structure. History shews that the town was unwalled in 
411, walled again before the attempt of Memnon and con- 
tinuously, with the exception, perhaps, of local demolitions 
for convenience' sake in the peaceful Antonine period, down 
to the si^e by Procopius ; and that the isthmus wall at least 
was maintained to protect the Chersonese against the Turks, 
right down to' their final conquest 

The styles of building found in the existing remains of 
the enceinte may be roughly classified as follows : — 

I. Granite blocks laid in irregular courses, frequently with 
diagonal jointing : interstices filled with clay-mortar or small 
stones. This is the construction of the great south-eastern 
bastion. Perrot gives a measured drawing of a section of this 
wall, which he assigns to good Greek date : his opinion was 
borne out by a fourth century inscription, relating to the 
building of a tower, which was discovered by Carabella clamped 
to the base of the wall in this neighbourhood. The wall has 
evidently suflfered since, and it is now difficult to distinguish 
it from the stones which have been gathered from the vineyards 
and piled against it. We found no architectural detail built 
in except a large Doric drum of brown sandstone. 

II. Facing of rectangular dark granite blocks slightly 
bossed and laid in regular courses about '40m. deep: the 
blocks are disposed alternate " headers and stretchers,'* the 
exposed surface of one stretcher equalling about that of two 
headers : the jointing is fair in this and the succeeding style 
(III.); the core of the wall is generally of whitish cement 

The best examples of this style are to be found (a) in 
the stretch of wall between Demir Kapu and the central 


harbour, where both facings are preserved, giving a thickness 
of about I 50 m., and {b) in the fragment immediately south 
of the Upper Road, where the stretchers have disappeared so 
as to shew the headers tailing into the cement; {c) this is 
also the construction shewn at the west postern gate. 

This style is possibly to be referred to the first century B.C. 

III. Facing of very long stretchers (sometimes as much 
as 2'20 m.) of various granites : headers only a few centimetres 
in thickness and often of marble ; courses vary from 0*50 
to 0*30 m. deep. 

The best examples are : — {a) The hexagonal towers and the 
curtain wall between them : the towers stand to a height of 
some 5'00 m., their upper parts being of unfaced rubble set 
in coarse red cement This may be a later addition to the 
substructure, but inside the western tower only the quoins are of 
squared stone, the rest rubble-faced. The wall between the 
towers is about 1*40 thick: — {b) A long stretch south of the 
conspicuous fragment below the Upper Road standing to the 
height of about 2*00 m. and well preserved. The style of 
masonry in {b) is better than that in {a) and is certainly of 
Hellenistic date. 

IV. Massive but irregular white granite facing with coarse 
joints, filled with white cement, which is daubed carelessly over 
the face of the wall. This is shewn {a) in the stretch of wall 
adjoining the Erdek road (where many architectural remains 
and fragments of tile are built in) and {b) in the square tower 
opposite the head of the aqueduct This construction may well 
date from the fourteenth century defences of the isthmus. 

V. Rough rubble building with facing of small stones is 
found in the wall and buttress towers running from Demir 
Kapu towards the sea. This seems to be a late addition to 
the enceinte probably along the line of the original harbour 
defences. The building is entirely without character and may 
be late Roman or Byzantine. 

The space enclosed by the walls is irregular in shape, as 
is natural on a hilly site ; there is, however, a certain amount of 
symmetry in the plan of the southern portion. Thus, the recess 
of the great harbour cuts into the town about the middle of the 


southern wall, to the extremities of which, i.e. just east of the 
Erdek road and at the south-eastern tower called Demir 
Kapu'» ran the causeways from the mainland : the extensions of 
the south wall are of late date, though not contemporary with 
each other; both may lie along the old foundations of the 
harbour defences'. 

The south-eastern and south-western corners of the enceinte 
are occupied by the two smaller ports, protected in each case by 
the seaward curve of the wall running north, and provided 
with moles at their entrances. The arrangement of this portion 
bears a striking resemblance to that of the harbours of ancient 
Rhodes', which was laid out during the Peloponnesian wars by 
the architect of the Piraeus^: the central harbour with its 
enclosed annexe, the flanking harbours, and even the position 
of the theatre under the acropolis hill are identical. 

The subsequent course of the eastern and western walls 
takes advantage of the valleys of two streams, the so-called 
Cleite' on the west and an inconsiderable brooklet on the east, 
which pass each other not more than a quarter of a mile apart, 
where the northern wall connects the valleys. The western 
wall, however, crosses the " Cleite " stream on reaching the 
plain, in order to enclose a portion of the level country in the 
direction of the Hadrian temple, while the eastern keeps inside 
of its brook. 

Of the gates spoken of by de Stochove ' and Cyriac' only 

one, a postern overlooking the ** Cleite" ravine*, is 

still extant That at Demir Kapu is said to have 

been standing within living memory, and the name is preserved 

in the possible harbour gate of Balkiz Kapu. Perrot's southern 

' Dnduucel, I find since writing my article on the Topography of Cyzicus, saw 
the arch of Demir Kapn standing hisuU the ** grosse tour quarr^.** 

' Cf. Xiphilinus' description of the harbours of Byzantium, Lxxv. lo, which were 
enclosed by moles defended with towers : and the mediaeval and modem harbours of 
Rhodes and Candia. 

' Cf. Newton's map and Droysen's in HtlUnismus I. 477. 

* Str. 654. 

* See below, on the Aigonauts : this stream is evidently the one represented at the 
feet of the Tycbe of Cyzicus on coins (cf. e.g. B.M. 933). 

* 184. ' B.CM^ XIV. 533. 

* Mistaken by Perrot for remains of an arcaded theatre. /M.S. xxil. 185. 


postern is doubtful, though there was evidently an aperture in 
the wall here. The "Thracian Gate" of Pliny is to be referred 
to Byzantium. 

On the plain outside the western walls stand the vaults 
Temple of of ^^e famous temple of Hadrian, first mentioned 
Hadrian. y^y Qy^i^LCy and described, though not identified 

till Perrot, by all subsequent travellers. The ruins are called 
" Bezestan." or " Magara*" in allusion to their vaulted passages. 
Michaud * records the tradition that the vaults are haunted by 
demons who guard the treasure concealed in them, and were 
formerly a resort of brigands*. 

CyrisLC visited the site of Cyzicus twice, in 143 1 and in 1444; 
on the first occasion he speaks in general terms of the ruins of 
vast buildings which covered the site, the amphitheatre, walls 
and gates. Most of all was he impressed by the ruins of the 
splendid temple of Jupiter, of which the walls {parietes) and 
thirty-three columns with their epistyles still stood erect, while 
the statues of the gods were still in place in the pediments 

The second visit seems to have been largely devoted to 
obtaining drawings (unfortunately missing) and measurements 
of the temple : to the latter we shall refer later. In the interval 
between his two visits the cella wall and four of the columns with 
a great part of the epistyle had been carried off by the Turks. 
No later author mentions so much as a single column standing. 

The temple is to-day represented only by the substructures 
of the podium. A general view shews a great mound, or rather 
agglomeration of mounds, measuring about 120 x 180 m., rising 
four to six metres' above the surrounding country and over- 
grown with stunted holly-bushes. While the marble of the 

1 The "Barar." the "Caves.** 

' Michaud calls these ruins the Areopagus, lojf iii. They are also said to 
be called Kodja Kilisse, suggesting that the temple was used in Christian times as 
a church. limnios gives this name to the ruins of the theatre ; similarly ** Bezestan " 
is applied also to the Byzantine ruin at the N.E. comer of the central harbour. 

* Cf. Michaud 115, Turner 198 ; there is a grave reputed that of a man killed by 
brigands on the Artaki road. 

^ Omatissima in fronte diversa deorum simulacra. In 1444 " insigni ejus et mirabili 
in frontispicio eximia deum et praeclarissima ilia 6t marmore simulacra love ipso 
protectore suaeque eximiae celsitudinis patrocinio inlaesae et intactae suo fere prisco 
splendore manent.*' 


temple has been consigned piecemeal to the kiln, the sub- 
structures, being of baser material, have escaped. 

The mound is traversed by seven parallel tunnels running 
east and west, for the most part built of rubble and very dilapi- 
dated. The best preserved portion, measured and planned by 
Perrot, probably supported the cella, and is somewhat west of 
the centre of the mound : it occupies the breadth of the three 
central tunnels, and its outer walls are carefully built of squared 
blocks, now stripped of their metal clamps ; the walls of the 
central nave and the vaults throughout are of rubble set in 
coarse pink cement. In the southern wall of the central nave is 
contrived a stairway (now ruinous) opening at right angles to 
the nave, but running parallel to it Nearly opposite in the 
corresponding wall is a short passage leading to a domed well 
chamber: the entrance to this passage is nearly blocked by 
fallen debris. 

The remains, such as they are, rather tempt one to doubt 
the correctness of Cyriac's description, and consequently of 
Reinach's restoration from these data. 

Cyriac's account of the ruins gives us the following measure- 
ments : 
{a) Length {amplitudo pro columnarum spatio) 240 cubits. 

Breadth no „ 

Height 70 feet. 

(b) Dimensions of cella .... 140 x 70 feet 
Number of columns on sides -SO. 

Intercolumniation and distance of peri- 
style from wall . • 14 f<^t 
Number of columns between the side ranges : 
In front, five rows of four .2a 
Behind, three rows of four .12. 
Total number of columns . .62, 
exclusive of ten, in two rows of five, inside. 

From (b) it is possible to plan, as Reinach has done, a hexa- 
style temple, fifteen columns a side, with long porches at each 
end. This is evidently what Cyriac intended, but the extreme 
dimensions of such a temple are quite at variance with those he 
gives in (a\ even in the proportion of side to front 


The extreme simplicity of the dimensions given in {b\ all 
derived from the diameter of the column and uniformly in feet, 
not cubits, gives a mathematical rather than an architectural 
harmony to the plan : the cella front and back, for instance, do 
not align with any range of columns. 

Now Cyriac is not infallible (the plan of the temple was 
obscured by cUbris^ he himself says) and his good faith even is not 
beyond suspicion ^ The evidence of the ruins is first hand and, 
as we shall see, does not bear him out. 

Apart from the evidence of Cyriac we should expect the 
temple {a) to have been octastyle instead of hexastyle, and 
{b) to have had a broad central intercolumniation. 

(a) A temple of this enormous size would be naturally 
octastyle : all the imperial coins shewing the Neocorate temple 
of Cyzicus represent it as such ; and the ruins, which consist of 
seven parallel vaults, convinced Perrot, before the appearance of 
Cyriac's MS., that they were intended for an octastyle building. 
Beyond this, Cyriac's own extreme measurements of the fafade 
are quite inconsistent with a hexastyle building. 

(b) A large central intercolumniation is shewn on many 
coins', including the largest and most carefully engraved speci- 
mens: where the ruins are best preserved the central vault is 
much broader than the flanking ones (3*50 : 1*90 m.). 

At Aezani on the Rhyndacus are considerable remains of a 
temple having remarkable likenesses to the Cyzicene', though 
built on a much smaller scale : the cella is consequently sup- 
ported on a single vault, but this has the same arrangements for 
ventilation and the same communication by staircase with the 
cella above as we find at Cyzicus. The two temples are not 
far removed in date*. 

^ A,'E, Mitth, VIII. 101. 

' Coin types alone are notoriously bad evidence for architecture, but the balance 
of evidence is in favour of the irregularity, when the central intercolumniation is not 
widened (as often) to shew the cultus statue within. Thus at ApoUonia, Reinach 
restores the Apollo temple as hexastyle, while coins shew it tetrastyle vrith a very 
wide central intercolumniation, which is still possible in a temple of comparatively 
small size, and Reinach's hexastyle temple with only nine columns a side is rather 

* See Reinach, Voy. Arch. pi. xxi. 

* See Koerte in Festschr,/, O. Benndorfi^ — 214. 


The Aezani temple is octastyle pseudodipteral, with fifteen 
columns a side, and has a wide centre intercolumniation ; the 
normal intercolumniation is about one and a half diameters. 

For the Cyzicus temple our only fixed dimension, on which 
all authorities are agreed, is the column diameter of about seven 

From Perrot's measured drawing of the vaults we find that 
the width of the central nave of the cella above must have been 
about fourteen feet, or two diameters : there is no reason why 
this should not represent the central intercolumniation of the 
facade. The aisle measurements give a width of about ten and 
a half feet (one and a half diameters) for the intercolumniation 
of the columns flanking the entrance. 

Again, the passage into the central vault from the east (front), 
including the thickness of the western foundation wall, measures 
13*50 m.: this dimension, supposing it to represent the length of 
the pronaos above, suits a porch in antis of a depth of two 
intercolumniations, if the lesser facade intercolumniation of one 
and a half diameters is adhered to. We thus obtain a side 
intercolumniation equal to the lesser intercolumniation of the 

Applying this dimension to the length of the galleries, 
we shall find that the celia wall, exclusive of antae, accounts 
for six columns and their five intercolumniations — again as 
at Aezani. Following out the Aezani plan (it has fifteen 
columns a side as has the smaller Baalbek temple, and the 
temple at Magnesia) we shall add a front porch in antis 
of two intercolumniations depth (which we have deduced 
independently above), and a corresponding back porch in antis, 
of which part is taken up by the stairway from the vaults: 
this will account for ten of the fifteen lateral columns. Of the 
remaining five, three go to the front and two to the back. 
The disposition of the front and back colonnades will vary 
according as we lay most stress on correspondence {a) with the 
Aezani temple, or {b) with Cyriac's description: {a) three full rows 
in front and the two columns in antis give Cyriac's twenty extra 
columns in front A similar treatment of the back, however, 
gives fourteen extra columns instead of Cyriac's twelve, unless 


we suppose that the two back columns in antis were included, as 
at the Parthenon, in a Byzantine apse. 

(b) By reducing the depth of the back porch in antis to 
one intercolumniation, and leaving the lateral colonnades open 
from end to end, Cyriac's computation of the columns remains 

For comparison with Cyriac's figures, the corresponding 
dimensions of our hypothetical restoration are appended : 
Extreme length: 

15 columns (105 feet) +14 intercolumniations (147 feet) 
= 252 feet 
Breadth : 

8 columns (56 feet) + 6 intercolumniations (63 feet), central 
do. (14 feet) = 133 feet. 
Cella length including antae : 

10 columns (70 feet) + 9 intercolumniations (94^ feet) » 164 
Do. Breadth : 
4 columns (28 feet) + 2 intercolumniations (2 1 feet) + central 
do. (14 feet) = 72 feet 
We need not, with Reinach, dispute the two internal ranges 
of five columns mentioned by Cyriac. They may have enclosed 
niches for the twelve Olympians of whom Hadrian was the 
thirteenth*, and have supported a gallery: *'parietibus annexael^ 
again, does not necessarily imply engaged columns : indeed the 
evidence of the ruins rather points to the inner ranges having 
Continued the alignment of the central intercolumniation of the 

The temple seems to have adjoined the south side of a long 
rectangular enclosure, perhaps an agora, some 450 x 100 m., 
whose western termination, with most of the southern wall, is 
clearly traceable. The ground at the western end has every 
appearance of having been artificially levelled, and the bank 
running along the north side, where even now broken mono- 
lithic shafts of red-veined S. Simeon marble may be seen, 
possibly represents a portico*. The eastern end of the en- 

^ Socrat. Hist. EccUs, HI. 43. 

' Cf. Pococke, p. 115, "The Piazza probably had a portico round it, because in 


closure, if we allow that the temple stood in the middle of its 
long side, abutted on the city wall. 

The amphitheatre stands in the Cleite valley beneath the 
Acropolis: its shattered piers rising from the 
thickly wooded slopes of the old cavea are the 
most striking relic of the Roman city*: as at Pergamon* the 
stream flows through the building, presumably for use in naval 
spectacular displays {naumachiae) as well as for the cleansing of 
the arena. The amphitheatre is of oval form, and was sur- 
rounded by two tiers of arcading. There were originally, 
according to Texier*, thirty-two vomitoria. The material used 
is for the most part granite in squared blocks : the poor detail 
and the fact that second century inscriptions have been recovered 
from the building date it at earliest late in the Antonine period. 
It is probably the "Balkiz Serai" or ** Tamashalik^" mentioned 
by Seaddin and Hadji Kalfa in connection with the legend of 
Suleiman Pasha. Grelot specially remarks that both seas were 
visible from the amphitheatre, which is mentioned of the " palace 
of Balkiz " by Seaddin. 

De Rustafjaell* reports the ground outside the eastern walls 
honeycombed with ancient tombs," and Sorlin 
Dorigny* seems to have excavated ''post-Mace- 
donian" graves in the same quarter. The sarcophagus out- 
side the western walls' suggests a cemetery, perhaps a street 
of tombs, in that direction also: I saw, too, in 1906, a 
large marble sarcophagus near the S.W. comer of the isthmus, 
and in 1903 several rifled slab-graves by the mainland end of 
the aqueduct: there was a suburb on this side according to 
Strabo', and coins and worked marbles are commonly found 

difEging for stones they found at the west end sixteen very large square pieces of 
marble which were probably the foundations of as many columns.'* 

^ The ruins are figured by Von Richter, Caylus {Heauil), Texier and Bras&ey, 
and a photograph by De RustaQaell appears \ik/M»S» xxii. 181. 

* Texier n. sa8. * p. 174. 
^ Von Richter calls it Mahmun Kalessi. 

* JM.S. XXII. 181. • pp. 4, 5. 

^ Rustafjaell, p. 181. The contents of a tomb excavated by Carabella are 
described in Rtv, Arch, xxxvii. %<n. The locality is not stated. 

* 575 «'/»•• 







Fig. I. Artaki Road*. 

Artaki, in turn a sister-colony^ a suburb^ and a successor 
of Cyzicus, has maintained its name and position 
on the south-eastern shore of the Arctonnesus with 
varying fortune since its colonization by Miletus if not longer. 


' From Admiralty Chart* 1649, Sea rf Marmara (190a). 


The modem town (Erdek) is a busy little port, communicating 
by steamer twice a week with Constantinople, Karabogha and 
the Thracian ports. It has a good deep anchorage close in 
shore, sheltered from the prevailing north-easterly wind, between 
the rocky promontory of S. Simeon, south-east of the town, and 
the low point on which the town is partly built : the chief export 
is a heady white wine which now, as in Leunclavius' dayS enjoys 
a considerable repute. 

The town is the seat of a Kaimakam, and is inhabited by 
a mixed population of Turks and Greeks*. The latter have 
twelve churches, of which all, except the new cathedral, are 
small bare buildings without architectural pretensions : little of 
interest, indeed, has survived the disastrous fire in 1854', when 
according to the folk-song : — 

Of the ancient city there remains not a trace : the following 
from Georgius Cyzicenus • is given for what it is worth : — 

** Artaki appears to be built on the ruins of the ancient city 
whose ancient walls are preserved here and there among the 
houses. The inhabitants have a tradition that these walls, 
starting from the shore where the mosque is, continued nearly in 
a straight line into the town and descended to a spot facing 
'Tzioura*' as they call it: and from there, stretching along the 
shore, they united at the mosque ; so that they seem to have 
enclosed a roughly triangular space. Some of the inhabitants, 
however, are of opinion that the ancient Artaki was built on 

^ Lidir Simgtiiaris^ | 16* Cyzici vina nobilia quibus cam volupUte Conttanti- 
nopoli salubriter utebamnr. Cf. Hamilton n. 98. JJi^, xxil. 179. Sec also 
Marqoardt, pp. 33 IT., for ancient references to wine of Csrticus. 

* Cninet gives the population as 807 M. and 5,655 G., Malkotzes (1896) 13.850, of 
which a quarter Tnrkish and Circassian, Fttsner (1904) 6,500, nearly all Greek, while 
statistics lately to hand (Bmlieiin ^Orieni^ Jan. 19, 1906) assess the whole population 
at 8,895, of which 6,511 Greek and 9,348 Turkish. 

' This is the date gi^en by Nicodemos : Perrot (Scmfemir) mentions a fire about 

* IlaxrurM, Air»(^^if *4«'M«''«f No. 953, p. 376. 

* p. 85. MS. f. 55. Texier (169) mentions a wall of marble blocks above the 
town, but does not make the locality clear. 

* The island mentioned below. 

H. a 


that portion of the site which is between the hill of S. Simeon 
and the modern Artaki ; this space is now known as Kaniva 
arid is vineyard land. They think this because when they dig 
there they find ruins of dwellings and workshops. For instance, 
not many years ago there were found in the vineyards a wine-shop 
{fcanrfXelov), a barber's, and a coppersmith's; for in one were 
found scraps of iron, in the other razors and other barber's 
tools, and in the third broken glass cups, one only being perfect, 

which I have still This, then, is the evidence which makes 

some place the site of the ancient Artaki there." 

Immediately in front of the town lies the rocky islet of 
Panagia, with ruins of a Byzantine church, baths and ayasma, 
Lucas^ saw there springs of hot and cold water and a quantity 
of glass mosaic : he adds, '* La tradition des Grecs dit que sous 
les ruines est ensevelie une des plus belles ^glises du monde," 
but excavation has failed to justify the tradition. The island 
church is noticed by Uzzano*. 

South-east of the port is the conical hill of S. Simeon or 
Mourad Bair', connected by a low rocky isthmus with the Kapu 
Dagh. The promontory is called a/cptor^piop MiXavo^ by 
Strabo^ Across the landward slope about half-way up the hill 
run the ruins of a fortification wall with six square towers, 
two of which flank the gate ; the wall is noticed by most 
travellers and called by Hamilton Seidi Ghazeh Kaleh'. 

The wall, which is in some places as much as 6'00 m. thick, 
stands to a considerable height, though never above the interior 
level of the fortress. It is built of rubble with tile mortar, and 
when Pococke and Hamilton saw it was still faced with squared 

* I. «;. 

* In his description of the port of *'L8 Rocca" (xiv. c.), p. 2t6, "da Paris alia 
dtti di Spigaim a Palanois alia Rocca k 6 miglia entro greco e Tramontana, e qui 
ha buono porto e supra lo porto k una Isoletta, che v* k una chiesa all' entrata dd 
porto.*' La Rocca, Lacora seem to be perversions of Lartacho, cf. the Latin bishopric 
LacanHsis mentioned by Mas Latrie, Tresor. 

' Malkotzes gives it the appropriate name IliXdi^ 

* 576. Cf. 58a. Perhaps from Melas, father of Miletus (Nic. Damasc frg. 63), 
or from Melas, son of Phrixus. Kiepert gives the name to the promontory of 
Karabogha: Stiabo, however, mentions the dxpur/jpiw MAoyor, immediately after 
describing Artaki, as in the track of coasters sailing from Cyzicus to Priapus. 

* Von Richter calls it simply Palaeo Castro or Balikesri, p. 419. 


blocks or granite and marble in alternate courses : of this facing 
only a few granite blocks remain. The towers are rectangular 
in plan and, as far as they exist, built solid ; they project about 
5*20 m. from the curtain, and are fairly regularly spaced about 
7800 apart. The wall is not carried through the isthmus on 
the side furthest from the town, but breaks off abruptly as if 
never finished after the second gate-tower. Hamilton refers it 
to the Roman period on account of the construction, and the 
planning seems to refer it to an early date in this period : it is 
probably the oppidum mentioned by Pliny. The fortification 
is locally attributed to the Genoese. On the extreme summit 
are remains of a small apsidal chapel', in the middle of which 
has been built a Turkish didi. 

South-west of the promontory, divided from it by a narrow 
channel, is the island of Tavshan Ada, where Prokesch* found two 
cisterns and a ruined castle. The latter he describes as a long 
rectangular fortification similar in construction to the Genoese 
castle on the Bosporus : it had three large towers and one small 
one on the long sides, the side of entrance and the back being 
also defended each by two towers. 

The castle of Mouchlia^ an hour and a half north of Artaki, 
stands on a lofty projecting spur of the mountains which bound 
the fertile plain between the town and Gonia. It has no strategic 
importance but is merely feudal in character — a small impreg- 
nable fortress overawing the plain — and may have been the seat 
of the feudal lord to whom Baldwin of Flanders allotted the 
Chersonnese : Georgius Cyzicenus^ notes that the castle was 
known in his day as Kepa/uSav, so that it would appear to 
be the fortress nttpX r&v fiovy&v t^ ^v^Uov taken by John of 
Brienne in 1233*. It is locally attributed, like S. Simeon, to 
the Genoese. 

> Cf. Pococke and Prokesch. 

* p. 156. Cf. alio Lucas 39. 

' Scutini 33; called Palaco Castro in Prokesch (^56). '*MouchIia** I was told 
means merely ** ancient." 

^ f. 63, ^potfpior h rj IrrofiL^ ^^fiai^fupotf KtpafuB&t 8rtp ^oma BiUfJwu nd 
MXP^ ▼'M? pvp nl Xty€r§u kuI twl rw vtpl^ riiwwif. It is marked MM/x^ia-Kcpo^ttt 
in his map. 

* Acrop. xxiii. 

a — 2 


The castle walls stand to a considerable height and enclosed 
a roughly oblong space (about 200 m. by 40 m.) lying N.N.E. 
and S.S.W. They are two metres thick and built of rubble 
and tile faced with irregular granite blocks. Eight towers (of 
which seven are semicircular) remain, and one entrance can be 
distinguished on the long S.E. side. 

In the Ai^onaut saga we have no mention of a settlement 
at Artaki, only of a "fountain of Artace*'* (identified with 
a cheshm/ half an hour out of the town) and of a certain 
Artaceus slain in the fight who obviously represents the 
eponymous hero of the deme. This personage is probably a 
Hellenistic fiction if he does not represent a memory of a tribal 
god, for a Thracian tribe Artacii is mentioned by Stephanus 
Byzantinus and others', and ^Aprcueqvii is a Thracian epithet of 
Hera': Ptolemy mentions a place of the same name in Bithynia\ 
so the name is probably Thracian in origin. 

The place was colonized by the Milesians^ and gave its 
name to the mountain behind and an island a stade from 
the shore * (Tavshan Ada ? or Panagia ?). Herodotus mentions 
it as a town in the story of Aristeas of Proconnesus^ and it was 
one of the places burnt by Darius' fleet after the Ionian revolt'. 
Later it appears in the Hellespontine tribute lists as a member 
of the Delian confederacy. Any importance the town may have 
had was absorbed by the rise of Cyzicus. Scylax* is content 
with a bare mention. Strabo^® calls it a x^P^^ ^^ '^ Kv^kw^v 
vTiatpy and Pliny's "portus ubi oppidum fuit" shews that it 
had sunk to the position of a mere port to the larger town. 
Munro", indeed, identifies its rock-strewn harbour with the "port 
of Chytus," which, however, hardly suits the topography of 
Apollonius : nor is the harbour artificial. 

^ Apoll. Rh. I. 957. Orph. Arg* 499 : another Kpifyni 'AproKhi is mentioned in the 
country of Laestrygones by Homer {Od. x. xo8). 

' Fairia Artacia occurs in an inscription at Sofia. Kalinka, DenkmaUr in 
BuigarUHf 498. 

* Dttmont, Itucrr. tU la Thrace^ 33. Cf. the lost epithet of Aphrodite in Steph. 
Byz. S.V. 'Aprdmi. 

^ V. I. ' Anaximenes frag. 4=:Str. 635. Steph. Byz. 

* Steph. Byz. CL Plin. v. 40 Artacaeon cum oppido. ' Hdt. iv. 14. 

* Id. VI. 33. Cf. Soph. frag. ap. Steph. Byz. s.v. 'A/mUif. 

M 94- " 582. " 159- 


With the decline of Cyzicus must have come the rise of Artaki : 
we have no evidence as to the date of this change, and the process 
may well have been a gradual one. The transference of importance 
depended on the silting up of the Cyzicene ports which had 
shewn a tendency in that direction as early as the first century. 
It was probably averted for a century or two after Constantine 
for the benefit of the new capital, but the decay of Cyzicus 
had evidently begun ^ at the time of the earthquake when 
Justinian spoiled it of its marbles for S. Sophia. The Byzantines 
cling — as does the church to-day — to the old name» and it is 
significant that Pachymeres in his account of the Catalans 
refers throughout to Cyzicus*, when MuntaneKs account shews 
that Artaki was the real capital, and even gave its name to 
the peninsula at that date (early fourteenth century) ; while but 
a hundred years earlier the Franks knew it as Eskisia. The 
form ^Tprdxiov* — apparently from the Homeric hero Hyrtacus* 
of Arisbe — seems generally used for the peninsula rather than 
the town. 

The town appears to have been an important station of 
the Italian traders, certainly from 1265 on, at which date 
Michael Paleologus conceded the Venetians special facilities for 
traffic there*. The date of the final conquest of the place by 
the Turks is not known to history, but a curious oral tradition 
is preserved to the effect that the citizens headed by their clergy 
marched out and surrendered voluntarily to Orkhan, and were 
rewarded by special privileges secured them by a firman*. 

^ Yet Procopius (B^ff. Pers, 135 B.) calb Artaki wpoAmtm rt^ Kv^ffov wSktm 

* Cf. II. 599 B. where Artaki is called the port of Cyxicos, Uat K^{um is osed by 
Stephanos (s.t. Arctonnesns) for the it/atui as a whole, and the passage of Prooopiiu 
cited above significantly adds wSKit aAer Ki^^ot. 

* Cantac. 11. 6 ; j4ci. Pair. Ccnsi, II. no ; bat in the Treaty of Michael Palaeologus, 
1)65 (Sber. Bayr. Akad, 1850, p. 184. Miklosich and MUller, Acta it Diphmaia 
Gra§ca^ III. 79), the town is called 'Tfrdjcior, RItachio. For the form cf. Tbeodorits 
Hyrta€*mu (Boissooade, Ante. II. 407). 'A^rA«i| is used of the peninsula perhaps as 
early as 610. Theoph. i. 950. 

* //. II. 837. 

* Miklosich and Mttller, Acta tt Diphmaia^ III. 79. 

* Cf. the anonymous author of the Vmtm^a^k 'Optm r% KyfUw : 

p. S15. 'Ore ii 6 'O^M^ Ufvet rA 4w Upctdrf ToupcuK^ ^(Xcisr «al ^ vtti airsd 


The only ancient site which now remains to be sought on 
the peninsula is that of the temple of Cybele 
on Mount Dindymon. The name is variously 
derived (i) from the whirling dance of the GalH (BtviiD): (2) 
from the twins born to Bacchus by Aura — a purely literary 
fable*, (3) from its two headlands', or (4) from its two peaks*. 
It should be noticed that (2), (3) and (4) all assume that 
Dindymus = Didymus ; Pliny indeed calls the mountain Didy- 
mus^ and Catullus uses the same form (Didyma) of the 
Pessinuntine Dindyma*. 

Of the derivations (4) is certainly the correct one ; this is 
borne out by the Byzantine name of the Milesian Didymi 
{^povpiov r&v hvo fiovv&vy and by the existence in this very 
neighbourhood (near AbouUiond) of a double-peaked hill still 
named Didymos: the "holy mount" of Didyma in Thessaly^ 
and Didymi in Argolis with its sanctuary of Demeter" are 
other instances of religious associations of the double hill*. 

The name Dindymus seems to have been properly applied to 
a particular mountain of the system, which fronfi its prominence, 
physical or religious, gave its - name to the whole island or 
peninsula. Appian** certainly speaks of the whole as Dindymon, 
while Pliny" differentiates between Didymis, the whole mass, 
and Didymus the mountain of Cybele. 

iv B^pc&iny, ol Kv^linirot ^f^X^ov /wr&.rov icXi^pov odrdr ch irpoi/rd » Tiftf't» iccU i»iixiKirfii9Q» 
^orayi^v. *0 *Opx^ €^ap€ffrTJ6tit dUra^t rd ftetrg dBtirrot 4i K^^cof jrcU ^o^ih^^c 

o^roG o^ftfioKop (p. 916) TotwUur iwl rev KaKvfifiavxIov. T6 ^pfad9u» t6 T^ptKofi* 
^dror rd vpQ96tua roSra iylFtao'KtP ijhi "if vp6 4uiQif 7«vca. *Ap di Ktiral V9V wapUfftLiuhw 
ij Ar drc&Xrro tv rtwi tww ffti^fiMw if rv/NraIwr...i3iyXor. The legend is told in a 
slightly diflferent form by G. Cyzicenus (f. 66), who says that the Artacenes brought 
the keys of the castle (!) to Bnisa. He, however, denies that either firman ot 
privileges existed in his day (1895). 

^ £tym. Mag, s.v. The legetid is too seriously treated by Panoflca in Ann, deW 
Imt. V. 1835, 384. 

* Philosteph. ap. Sch. Ap« Rh. i. 985. * Ih, 

* N*N, V. 4a * LXiii. 91. * Pachym. n. an B. 
7 Str. 647. Cf. Steph. Byz. * Fraser, P^tu, 11. 463. 

* Ramsay, At A. Miith, xili. 337, 9, quotes a M^rif^ Zt^ifii|riy=Ai93vM9*^ from 
Laodicea (at Konia, A.-E, Miith, xix. 31 mad/MS. xxn. 341 (64), 343 (65, 65 a), 
where there was a mountain Didyma (Steph. Byz. s.v.). See also Ramsay, /^m/. 
Gitg. 397 note, and C/au. Rev, 1905, p. 367 C 

» BM. MUk. 75. 76. " V. 40. 


It is possible that the modern name Kapu Dagh ("Gate 
Mountain") refers under another image to the double peak, in 
which case we should look for traces of the shrine between the 
peaks of Adam Kaya and Did6 Bair^ On the other hand, 
Kapu Dagh may be a corruption of Caio Artaku The deriva- 
tions are not mutually exclusive. 

We are justified, certainly, in seeking the important pre- 
historic shrine outside the limits of the city, and the details 
of the Argonautic legend are quite in harmony with this idea. 

Between Cyzicus and Peramo there stands a double-peaked 
mountain, called to-day by the Greeks Didymos', which har- 
monises well with the little we know of the ancient holy 
mountain. It is comparatively isolated, which may account 
for Strabo's fiovoif>v€^\ there is a spring (called marmarild) 
half-way up^ and a wood in the saddle between the two peaks*. 
On the easternmost are slight traces of a small building roughly 
built of unhewn granite blocks : the site commands a fine 
view on both sides, extending in clear weather to Constanti- 
nople*. The spot is marked Dervis on the map of Pococke, 
perhaps referring to the wild dancing mentioned below. 

That so famous a shrine should leave no trace of marble 
or worked blocks may be accounted for if we suppose that 
Jason's temple remained in its primitive crudeness (Apolloniu$ 
is peculiarly reticent as to the temple itself), like the early 
temple of Apollo at Delos, when the worship was transferred 
to a more magnificent shrine lower down, perhaps in the city 
itself. Certainly any site with conspicuous remains would be 
recognised by the inhabitants of the peninsula, who know their 
ground very thoroughly owing to their continued searches for 
the reputed buried treasures of the pirate Manoules'. 

^ There are indeed traces of a rough stone building in the saddle, locally called 
Yonikides, and thought to be an ancient Turkish cemetery. DM^ Bair, with its cairns 
and bottlden, is decidedly more inpukit than Didymos : but the continned religious 
associatioos of the latter are in favour of its identification with the andent Dindyans. 

* The name may not be genuine, but I never heard DindymoSt which is so far in 
kvonr of H. 

* P* 57^* * C^* Ap. Rh. I. 1 149. * Cf* 1^. 1117. 

* Ik. t. ti 14, ^oirtro V iitpnw rr6#Mi B«0w4pov etc. 

' Dr Coostantinides tells me that the already mythical Manoules really flourished 
only tome fifty years ago. He is possibly the famous Manoli of Kasos, of whom aa 





The Byzantine accounts of the Argonaut legend tell us that 
tradition regarded a certain church of the Virgin Mother of 
God, founded by Zeno, as occupying the site of Jason's temple*. 
At the foot of Didymos, in a fertile little plain surrounded by 
wooded hills, stands the important monastery of the Havayia 
SeoTOKo^ 4^aP€p<0fjL€V7), which, owing to the miraculous healing 
powers of its picture, reputed a work of S. Luke, is the religious 
centre of the island. Malkotzes speaks of the church as a bone 
of contention between the Archbishopric and Peramo on account 
of its revenues, and scandals in connection with it were the osten- 
sible cause of a late Latin mission to Peramo'. The picture is a 
very large and ordinary looking eiJkon of the Virgin and Child with 
the usual clumsy votive haloes and hands affixed : according to one 
tradition it was stolen by a Turk from the monastery of Kurshunlu 
and lost by him : it came into the hands of a villager of Yappaji 
Keui, who handed it over to the monastery. The present church 
is modem and garish, but replaces a humbler ancient structure ; 
outside it lie several large Byzantine capitals, perhaps survivals 
from a still earlier church of some pretensions, while on the 
outer wall hang the discarded crutches of cured cripples. The 
church stands within a court round which are rooms for the 
accommodation of patients. Even before the construction of 
this Malkotzes assessed the yearly number of pilgrims at 2,000*. 

The cures of the Panagia Phaneromene are associated, as is 
usual at such healing shrines, with certain forms of religious 

interesting accoant is given by Newton ( Travds i. 313 ff.). E. J. Davis also speaks 
of a Greek islander who " practised " in the Brusa and Smyrna district about this 
time. I was shewn marks indicating a cache of Manoules on Tsavli itself, and to 
some localities on the mountain an atmosphere of Manoules imparts a certain 
religious awe. For the benefit of future travellers I may remark that though the 
scattered treasures are reputed to be found more often by foreigners than by natives, 
no one has yet succeeded in the quest without the aid of magic. The tradition is 
interesting as suggesting the crude myth of the Argonautic episode. Another legend 
of the district, to the effect that the pictures in the monastery church of Kalami were 
despitelnlly used by pirates, suggests a very reasonable cause for Cybele's anger 
against the original Jason. (Cf. also similar legend in Aphysia, Gedeon 63.) 

' Another Jasonian temple was re<dedicated as a church of Michael by Constantine, 
Joh. Ant. frag. 15. Cf. Mela x. loi. 

' Cf. navofuxaX^ovXoff, n<f>ii)7V^ir e/t rhv II6rror, 1903, p. 303. 

' 1890. The 'B7«i(yca r^ noroTfat ^optptt/Uwiit iv Katov dAy are announced in 
the C<Mistantinople KfoX67M, July 16, in the same year. 


hysteria ; but these hysterical phenomena seem also even in 
modem times to have occurred quite independently of healing 
or need for healing, and to some extent to have perpetuated 
the ecstatic traditions of the old Cybele worship. Georgius 
Cyzicenus, writing in 1825, speaks of these occurrences as a 
scandal to the church, but gives us no hint that any sickness 
was supposed to be healed by them. The custom was, he says, 
for a person to take the picture on his shoulders and run 
like one possessed over steep and difficult country, the rest 
following him with pious enthusiasm. There was great com- 
petition for the privil^e of carrying the picture, but not 
everyone was hysterically affected by the process. This curious 
passage, as elsewhere unpublished, is transcribed below'. 

At present, as far as I could learn, the church is frequented 
at all times of the year, and especially at the panegyris (Aug. 
23), by sick people of all kinds for the cure. It b considered 
especially effective for lunatics, who are chained when violent, 
and remain in the church for an indefinite period, generally 
forty days, on a fasting diet. The cure is effected, both at such 
times and at the panegyris^ by placing the sacred picture in the 
hands of the patient, he being in a sitting position. The picture 
is a large and heavy one, but patients, no matter how weak, 
are always able to support it The patient is sprinkled with 

' (f. 71.) ^'^r^&^tL card r^ Kjy^wrrw m^ ^ «»W ^ ^oprifi wwoBpctftn 

nptvf B99r6K09 ti>\afH^t, mi M M rd y»6f»4wcm rcparetfp7i|/ia ri^ c(c4rof . A^ <(«^ 
wh^ wm^tHpffti9w •0nf ^ #vnf^f(a AMra|d rwr xP>^T*M»dr, rh kA Xof^Ary r«f 3iyX. H^ 
ff^6Mi hri T&^ tifimif Koi y4 rpix'9 ^^* ^ iwtpycOfuwvi w^ iUp dt drarrf«t mU dvtf^^rovt 
rAvMfr, r6rc 3^ Kark wrrpC^ ««! KpnuipQ^f ira2 «vr«M^» d M Xocrol »A dUroXoi>tfd^( lurk 
0ayfta€faoS koI tOXaft^jat Mtd rA yiptrat $pit xml ^trtftU, vocof vA dUcdcx^ ri^ «U6ma 
itk rA rpd|9 rAff «^Af d7«|tet. cirl 94 rwh piaratm f(KO»»fcpoJrrf t , ^fi^ <^ 
rp4xf^^^ ^ raf4#porct 4XX4 lUvmr^i rw^jponyUrM, /rti^ ode d^l rdx« UxriK^l 
(f. 71) Hit <Vc^yi|aff «al CrMf •n^rm^ 4 poOf 9h tfitwtw ^(XXoira^i^rof Aw6 rV f^^ # 
My IX^v^t ^orra^ky <M(«rro» koX «^jr(nfror. 'Ewu9^ iyii rrox^^^MA* ^rt rd rocsOra 
Arwcrm nfiirr^aTm. <«l rdv Kop^ffidtrtm ^npr^fimrm wfoipx^Knmi Avd rkt 3^ ^^l^ ▼% 
litf^ 3f X. «•! r^ ^«rr«^(«ff, arcU Ix^^M*^ va^3lhr^r« r% AT«f(«t rw» mv^ vpofpx** 
^i^nrt ^« re«>rtir rwr Ms airUfp* irai 3#or ^r M rV M^^t fx^^*' v*^ 4^«X^m^ ««#* 

9x^fuw 4k rdr *RXXiyriffdr 6pyUt9 rdt /laffx^'^' #Mfiarlat mU tfx rflr Tov^curdr << 3 i^#»yp 
Hfif x^'<P rod'A^ov BXrov mU t4l wupu ^ op^ nynft^r« ml rc^i#r^o^f rwr Afp|^«3««y. 
*0#er trptwtp «I wcviuirurdf vpoSrrd^if roc rev 4itur4po¥ ydv^n p4l ff«rav«^#*«r r«^r«r 
Tit /#rurdt $tofoptmM Mk rd mV 7ir«d^<^a v«/7rc«r rwr AXX«^X«r. 


holy water and portions of the gospel are read over him ; it 
is then, if at all, that the cure takes place. The picture sways 
him about and strikes him {arpafia, /crinrp, Sipvei) but never 
does injury. One of my informants had tended a violent 
lunatic in the church for as much as three months ; in such 
cases patients are sprinkled and exorcised twice a week. 
Another informant saw a crooked woman cured at the fourth 
or fifth visit to the church. The cure is only occasionally 
patronised by Turks, but one known to my second informant 
made the pilgrimage yearly in gratitude for the cure of his 
son : the boy had a violent squint and saw nothing, though 
his eyes were open. 

These are, of course, cited as specimen cases, especially 
for comparison with parallel phenomena at ancient healing 
shrines\ Dr Macris of Artaki, who has frequently visited the 
panegrrts, told me he saw nothing which could not be attributed 
to natural causes, and another of my informants, a highly 
educated man, whose experience dates back some forty years, 
described the miracles of his day as scandalous impositions ; the 
^ swaying *' of the patient by the picture, which is to the illiterate 
the most tangible part of the miracle, he attributed to the 
natural effect of the weight in a feeble person's hands. In his 
day miracles unconnected with healing also occurred: the 
Panagia "refused" to be carried in procession outside the 
church, "lifted*' devout believers into the air, and "beat" a 
heretic Armenian who dared to touch the picture. All these 
phenomena he attributed to natural, if sordid, causes. The 
refusal of the picture to be carried out was devised to evoke 
vows from the rustic pilgrims, and was sufficiently accounted for 
by the people anxious to touch it crowding about the door. 
This same anxiety was answerable for the "lifting" of the 
worshippers, who stood on tiptoe and jumped up to touch the 
picture, while the Armenian was said to have been subsidised 
to knock against the picture with his head. In bad years, 
I was told, the picture was mysteriously lost> and, when a 
sufficient number of vows had been elicited, triumphantly found 

' On this subject see M. Hamilton, Incubatumt where ancient, mediaeval, and 
modern procedures are compared. 


hidden in a tree. This last I could not hear of as practised 
at the present day; it is particularly interesting as a simple expla- 
nation of the ancient ceremonies connected with the hiding of 
Hera\ The healing can be dismissed with the usual comment, viz. 
that all the ailments cited as cured are intimately connected with 
nervous disorders, though the procedure is tried by the ignorant 
for such material injuries as broken bones\ I may here remark 
that I have as yet heard of no case of the saint's appearing 
to the patient in the incubation shrines of this district (Kapu- 
dagh, Ulubad, Syki) or at others where I have made enquiries. 
It is probably to this church and picture that Cantacuzenus* 
refers as ^ rrj^ %€Ofiifropos ayetponroiiifro^ eltcw fi wpo^ rbv iv 
^Tpratei^ vaov o&aa^ and it is evidently one of the wpoatcwni^ra 
dependent on the bishopric of Cyzicus mentioned in the Acta 
Patriarchatus (ro rrj^ wawir€payiov fiov Stairoivff^ koI Stofiifropo^ 
rtf^ ^ Ax^^^omroifiTov, teal to rov ivto^ov p^aXofidprvpo^ seal 
rpatrato^pov Vewpyiovy: the latter is probably the once 
important monastery of S. George Elgri Diri near Longada^ 
which has only comparatively lately fallen into ruin*. It is 
now only one of the many unpretentious monasteries, generally 
quite simple cells of rough stone, with which the Kapu Dagh, 
especially around Peramo and Mihaniona, is crowded: many 
of them, e.g. the Panagia Galatian^' (Kalami) near Castelli, and 
Decapedistria* at Katatopo, are said to have been important 
foundations, and all traditionally owe their ruin to the Crusaders. 
The quaint epithets of the H. Triada Atz^potas, Panagia 

* Esp. Heim LTgodetma of Samos. * See below, p. 78 (Ulubftd). 

* II. 6. < M. 108(1387). 

* GedeoQ (p. 6$) mentions ft monftstery in Aphysia with an identical title : bat 
thit would tardy have belonged to the diocese of Mannara. 

* A marble well*head still on the spot was dedicated in 177s. This suggests that 
the Monasteries of the Kapu Dagh, whose niin is always attributed to the Crusaders 
or the Pope, really flourished, like those of Mannara, till the second half of the 
eighteenth century, and were then eaten up by their co-religionists of Athos and 
elsewhere . 

' Locally derived from the '* milkstone," which is the attraction of this monastery. 
The name occurs also in the environs of Constantinople : see Mordtmann's note on 
the Venetian map, reprinted at Pera, 1889. 

* From her feMival, the 15th August. She is also called 11. KXif^po{ft according 
to AtA, Mittk. IX. 97, 30. Local tradition has it that a great golden rood was carried 
off from the church (by the Crusaders ?) and taken to Constantinople. 


Leventiana (near Vathy)^ and Panagia Kapudagi6tissa (near 
Langada), perhaps deserve recording. 

The villages of the peninsula are without a history, and 
their general condition has probably never been much other than 
it is now. The mountains, whose fantastic rock forms are 
evidently the foundation of the early giant legends, are useless 
for cultivation and obstructive to intercommunication. 

Save for Hammamli, a foundation of Bayezid II.^ Tcheltik 
Keui or Kuculo*, and a small portion of the population of 
Ta Rhoda and Diavathy, the inhabitants are Christian : those of 
Yappaji Keui and its offshoot Yeni Keui are Macedonian settlers 
of a hundred and fifty years sta^ding^ and Ermeni Keui, first 
mentioned by Prokesch* (1831), is as its name implies, Armenian. 

The coast villages* are barely supported by their tiny plains 
between the spurs of the hills, and eke out a living by fishing 
and silk-worm culture. The granite quarrying at Gonia and 
Ermeni Keui is in Italian hands. Ta Rhoda is mentioned 
by Uzzano^ as a place of call for coasters, probably on account 
of its good water supply*, and there are slight remains of 
ancient walls on the shore. 

Harakhi* was evidently a Greek and Byzantine' village site. 
It possesses remains of a castle, and inscriptions and other 
worked blocks are occasionally found there'*. The zge of these 
coast villages is unknown, and the reputed Cretan origin of 

^ Gedeon (p. 55) mentions it as Uopayta r(ap AepewrlSw^, quoting from a docu* 
ment. "Leventi" b an equivalent of "PaUicari" in the folk songs, and was the 
name given to the (largely Greek) sailors of the Turkish fleet (ef. Toumefort, p* 471 ; 
Cantemir, tr. Undal, p. 403, note). 

*y.j/.s. XXII. 177. 

' Sestini 54. Lechevalier i. 96. Prokesch 154. 

^ They are said by Malkotzes to speak a Bulgarian dialect. There are several 
Cappadodan Greek £unilies in the lower village. 

* p. 334. Said by De Rustafjaell to be 150 years old {J.H.S. xxii. 176): Mai- 
kotzes says 100. 

* Kiepert's map gives only the Turkish names of these villages : his Sheiianiyss^ 
Gk Katatopo, JCcdja i?afyjp»s=:Langada, Sham i9tf^^t=Diavathy» A£r/^=Kastelli. 
Cuinet (iv. 180) says that antiquities are often found at the latter. 

^ I. 436. ^ See Sailing Directions^ 1867, 14. 

' The name suggests Xopd^cor. De Rustafjaell boldly calls it Heraclea {J,ff,S, 
xxii. 175), Kiepert Karakioi. 

1* Cf. Michaud 11. 31. Texier il. 108. 


Harakht and Mihaniona are probably due to nothing more 
than local schoolmasters' philology^ Mihaniona and Peramo 
are first mentioned by Gerlach, and the traditions of Peramo go 
back at least as early as the Turkish wars, when the inhabitants 
are said to have moved temporarily away from the coast. 

' Based on the resemblance of the names to *HpdxXf tor and Xaj^co. 



North and west of the Cyzicene peninsula the Propontis is 
studded with islands of various sizes : of these the 
largest and most important is Marmara (the ancient 
Proconnesus) which gives its name to the group. 

It is roughly oval in shape, measuring about eleven miles 
long by six-and-a-half broad, and is administered from the 
village of Marmara on the south-west coast Its population, 
like those of the other islands, is almost entirely Greek '. 

The island is steep and rugged, especially at the western end, 
the picturesque village capital lying under the highest part: the 
lower eastern portion, however, aflbrds some scope for the 
culture of the vine. The chief wealth of the island consists in 
the marble of which its mountains are composed. This is 
described as a soft white stone, sometimes white with gray banded 
streaks closely resembling gray carystian '. It is still quarried 
at Palatia, and Buondelmonti's map shews the stone pier {^pons 
lapideus) from which the marble was shipped. Proconnesian 
marble was used in classical times not only for buildings of 
Cyzicus^ but further afield for the palace of Mausolus* at Hali- 
camassus and for a temple at Heraclea Pontica*: it retained 
its repute into Byzantine times and was used for many of the 

' The extent of my debt to M. Gedeon's monograph will be easily perceived: 
luture travellers in Marmara will probably reap a rich harvest of inscriptions which 
they will owe to their precursor's zeal in impressing on the islanders the value of such 

' That is Greek-speaking. There b possibly an admixture of Albanian blood ; 
see below, p. 34. Zachariades mentions also a Jewish colony in the capital. 

' Lethaby and Swainson, S, Sophia^ p. 137. Caryophilus, de AnL Afarm. p. 18. 

* Str. 589. » Vitr. 11. 8. Cf. x. 7. 

* Phot. p. 939, Bekk. 


buildings of Constantinople ', including S. Sophia, and later still 
by the Turks for the Ahmediyeh and other buildings': it was 
also a favourite material for the sarcophagi of the Byzantine 
emperors '. 

The name Proconnesus is variously derived : 

(1) From vpo^* or Trponras* a kind of deer identical with 
ptffpo^ — this is probably the right derivation as the island was 
also called Elaphonnesus*, Nt^pi's' or Neffpia*. and the forma- 
tion is similar to that of Arctonnesus. 

(2) From wpoxoot a pitcher, commemorating an omen 
pven to the settlers by a woman of the country'. 

Hence the coins of Proconnesus bear either a deer or a 
pitcher as "types parlants." 

(3) From vpo^oat and y^tro^" — a mere subtlety of the 
Grammarians, on the assumption, doubtless backed by a giant 
I^end, that it had not always been an island. 

The Byzantines generally write TlpoiKom^trtK, as from irpoif, 
wpomof, which is apparently the derivation favoured by the 
Efymclogicum Magnum on the ground that the island furnished 
to all other islands a dowry of marble t It is possible that the 
real explanation is to be found in some forgotten myth analo- 

' Zot. II. 30; Theoph. Corn. 141, 145, 146, 147 ; Eoigriiu, ffitt. Buki. in. iB. 
a MiKDC, Pat. Gr. xxxv. s8i ; Paul. Silent. 576, 606. 664. Cf. Lethaby and 
SraiiHoa, S. SepAia, p. 1371 Stnjgowsk)', WatttrbtliaJtirt p. 155, who ciacci the 
maible b; muoni' marks to RiTeno*. The quairiei are mcDtioned in the teeood of 
the Letlen of Uratus («m p. 18] n.) and in the Cod. Theodoi. Xl. tS. 

■ Svkdr* 17; Thoa. Smith i/Vmilia Cf.) p. llS; Hobhooie S19. Cf. Hunt 
p. S7. The quarrici were in Turkish times worked by ctro/t, the quairymen loxini^ 
b rettuD certain priTileget (Oallaway jSS, La Motiiajre 471. Cf. Sandjrs 17). 

' Codinni. Tltfi tut rd^wr faitim ; Const. Porph. oSr Catrim. i. S43 ff. Procon- 
Bciiaa marble ii mentioned as the material of sarcopbagi in tbe faDerary imciiptiuD*, 
C.I.G. 3168, 3*8*, 33S6 ; Dnmont, Jtucrr. Jt la Thraa, 70. 

* f/fiH. Mag' *■*- n^wcjvr^ot. 

■ Sch. Ap. Rb. It. 179. 

* Plin. V. 40, but Sejiax (94) dblingoishe* (hem at two island*. 
' PKb. Ntttrit. * Theoph. G»t. 437 B. 

' Theoph. Coot. *d let. (0«Mai»ir«ar> ifmn StpfUn irtpaaiiir^ ig t^ nrA 
Xrmiiii ' MtfUrTft T^txiHi draiKH Za^m >ifTHrf«iarar, ati Aftoiiinu rpit vfrv 

Ifn rptx'*' *»« **" t»*V' *"P ^mfiiiTn. ih i xpi^nM. nU !*■ i(vrin"». rift N 
nl rm*r^ tthmnUt Ilp6)c** ^ H*** <iriiimtmr waX nit ifiufaix nyiivfiwir vpix» 

» Scbol. *d Apoll. Rbod.; Etym. Mag. 


gous to the Cyzicene legend of the dowry of Persephone^ The 
modem name Marmara, which has been taken over by the 
Turks, is used consistently in the early Italian navigators ^ 
In the Crusading period the names were both in vc^e: 
Proeconiso is used in the Partitio Romaniaey Marmara by 
Villehardouin *. 

To return to history: the island was colonized from Miletus^ 
and served like Cyzicus as a stepping-stone to the Euxine. 
The Milesian colony was ruled by a tyrant Metrodorus under 
Darius^ took part in the Ionian revolt, and was sacked by the 
Phoenician fleets Later it became a member of the Delian 
league. Commercial jealousy may have been the reason for the 
deportation of its inhabitants by Cyzicus^ in the fourth century. 
In the Byzantine age it was cruelly exposed to every invader of 
the capital ^ and was used like the Principo Islands chiefly as a 
place of banishment*, especially for refractory priests". 

Many of the banished saints are still commemorated in 
Marmara and the other islands. The calendar published by 
Gedeon includes /^i^^^r^ in honour of S. Nicolas of Studium 
(Marmara, Feb. 4)", S. Macarius of Pelecete (Aphisia, Apr. i)", 
S. John of Kathara (Aphisia, Apr. 27)", S. Hilarion of Dal- 
mata (Aphisia, June 6)^^ S. {jkaio^^ Timotheus (all islands, 

^ App. Bell. MUh, i. 75. 

* Tomaschek, 3 ; cf. Uzzano 336. ' 345, Ducange. 

^ Str. 587. Tbeoph. Cont. (437 B.) is probably in error as to the Samians, Etym. 
Mag, (s.v. npoiir^if0-ot) speaks of Milesians in the same legend. 

» Hdt. IV. 138. • Hdt. VI. 33. ' Paus. viii. 46. 

' Theoph. Cont. i(^ (Russians in the reign of Theophilus) ; ibid. 39^ ; Cedr. ii. 
337 (Saracens from Crete in 866); G. Pachy. 11. 539 (Catalans in 1307). 

* Stephanus (son of Romanus Lacapenus), a.d. 945 (Cedr. 11. 335, Zon. in. 481, 
Theoph. Cont. 437, Leo Gram. 330, Sym. Mag. 753-4)» and Basilins Peteinos 
(Cedr. II. 343), Theophano, a.d. 970 (Zon. in. 531). 

^^ The patriarchs, Nicephonis, 815 (Cedr. ii. 56, Zon. in. 335), Michael Cerularius, 
1038 (ScyL 644), Arsenios, 1358 (G. Pachy. i. 371 — for the monastery of Suda see 
Gedeon p. 13— cf. 11. 83. Niceph. Greg. i. 95), and of the saints noticed below: 
Nicolas, Macarius, John, Hilarion, Theodore, Stephanus and Philetaerus ; all but the 
last were exiled during the iconoclastic period. Hierocles' ^(o^a and Photius 83, 
Bekker (cf. Vita Chrysostomi Lxxv. 33, Migne) shew that this was the recognised use 
of the island. Philetaerus is said by the Synax. Cpoliianum to have been sent to 
the quarries. 

" Under Leo Armenus (Migne, P.G, cv. 913). 

^ Under Michael Balbus; cf. Anal. Boll, xvi. i4off. 

" c. 713. " c. 845. 


Aug. i)*, S. Bassa (Halone, Aug. 21), S. Theodore Graptos 
(Marmara, Oct ii)*» S. Stephanus, jun. (Marmara, Nov. 28)*, 
S. Philetaerus (Marmara, Dec 30)! 

Proconnesus was the seat of a Byzantine bishop, and became 
an independent archbishopric as early as the ninth century*, a 
metropolis in 1824*. 

The alleged granting of the island by Emmanuel Comnenus 
in 1 1 1 5 to a John Comnenus is backed only by a forged deed, 
purporting to be the renewal of the grant in 1224 by Manuel 
Comnenus to George Marmora and his successors ^ 

Under the Latin Empire Marmara fell to Pierre de Braiecuel* 
and became a Latin bishopric*. The Catalans made an attempt 
on it in 1307, and in 13 15 it is mentioned among the islands 
granted by Philip of Tarentum, prince of Achaia (as titular 
Emperor of Constantinople), to Martin Zaccaria**: we have, how- 
ever, no evidence that the deed was ever carried into effect 
No tradition has come down to us of the capture of the island 
by the Turks. Under their administration it was tributary to 
the Voivode of Galata". 

' S. Timothctts is said to have come to the islands under Justinian and to have 
converted the inhabitants from their barbarous manner of life — they lived by plunder 
from wrecks and from boats which put in during stormy weather. The Life of 
Timotheus is commented on by Gedeon, who pronounces it most untrustworthy and 
even devoid of truth in local colour. The cell of S. Timotheus is still shewn 
(Gedeon, pp. 110—113). ' 

* c. 834. Migne, P^G> cxvi. 669-79. ' Migne, P»G, c. 1178. g 

* May 19 in Acta SS. (under Maximian). 

* Ignatius (879) is the first archbishop in Gedeon's list. * 

* Gedeon, p. 14. 

^ Printed in the preface of Andrea Marmora's Historia di Corfu, 1671 (Gk and 
Ltt.) and Dapper, p. 491 (French). It is discredited by Hopf. (*' Veneio-Byzantinische 
Aoalecten" in Sitthtr. Jk. i. j4Jkad, mu IVum, i860, XXXI I. p. 508). Cf. Gedeon, 
p. 151. Finlay's copy of the Historia di Corfu has the following us. note :— ** This 
is a forgery : the title proves it. It may have been framed on some document of 
Manuel of Epirus, Emperor of Thessalonica 1130— 1131. The indiction would really 
be XII. 16.'* * Villehardouin, §945* 

* Lequien in. 945 (Marmorensis); cf. the 13th c. Provincial in Mas Latrie, Trisor. 
A iTih century Latin Mission to Marmara is mentioned by Carayon (ed. Legrand, 

P- 57)- 

^ L. de Gongora, Rtal Grandna de la Rtpublica di G mm fa (Madrid and Genova, 

1665-7), Tit. VIII. No. SI (May 36, 131 5). 

" Gedeon, p. 119 : the revenues of Marmara were sold for 5 purses (/350)* those 

of Aphisia and Kutali for 400—600 dollars (Pococke). 


Marmara now possesses six villages, Marmara (the capital), 
Prasteio (Jlpoaareiov?), Klazaki, and Aphtone on the south 
coast, Palatia on the north, and Galimi on the west^ There are 
said to be mediaeval castles at Marmara, Palatia (presumably 
the large marble and brick ruin figured by Texier"), and above 
Galimi*. The latter is mentioned by Pachymeres as FaXiyi/o- 
\ifjL^p\ while the northern harbour of Petali is mentioned as a 
stage on the journey from Constantinople to Jerusalem by the 
Abbot Daniel (iio6)». Klazaki is said by Gedeon* to be a 
miserable place owing to the curse laid on it by a bishop: the 
cause was probably the apostasy of the inhabitants who hoped 
by this means to avoid paying kharatck^-, "the Porte," Dallaway 
continues, "unwilling to encourage them at the expense of the 
revenue, and fearing the prevalence of example, imposed a 
double tax. on them in future." j The Turkish remedy explains 
the efficacy of the episcopal curse^ Aphtone is of Albanian 
origin (which Covel claims for all the Marmara villages except 
the capital) and the langyage is still spoken by the older 
people. Gedeon refers the settlement to the early years of the 
1 8th century*, but Covel already, in 1677, calls it * hpfiavirox^pi 
(Albanian village). 

Of the monasteries in the island most have fallen into a 
decayed state, except S. Nicholas (between Aphtone and Palatia), 
which seems from Gedeon's account to be of considerable 
dimensions, the extreme length being over 15 metres**. In- 

* Pococke's map marks a seventh, Gamialo, between Aphtone and Palatia, and 
Gedeon (pp. 157, 119), a village Trrpdycoror, which, he sajrs, is mentioned in Turkish 
records down to 1760. 

' PI. 43, where it is called the Palace of Justinian. Schweigger (1576, in Feyer- 
9L\icn!di^s Riyssbauh II. ''9a) has the following curious note: — **In Proeconniso ist vor 
Zeiten ein schon Amphitheatrum, Schauhauss oder Spielhauss von lauter Marmor 
gewesen eines aus der sieben Wunderwercken der Welt " — ^presumably a confusion 
with Cyzicus. 

' Gedeon, p. 155. Cf. Texier 11. 167 and the Admiralty chart. 

* I. 988. Cf. 386 and Gedeon laS. ' ed. Noroff, pp. 5, 6. 

* p. 101. ' p. 367. 

' Zachariades (409) refers the curse to S. Timotheus without giving the cause : 
the effect, he says, was an earthquake, since which time the village has never grown 
beyond 39 houses : when a new one is built an old one falls down. 

' p. 109, but cp. p* i59« where he says this is the traditional date, but that he 
found Albanian names on pictures at S. Nicholas, dating from the 17th century. 

>• p. 115. 


scriptions are surprisingly numerous, and smaller remains are 
found in many localities. I shall perhaps be pardoned for 
inserting among the antiquities of the island the following 
account of a fipovKoKama/^ in Marmara^: — 

" One Yan^ 9^pita piit, of the He Mannon, severally excoicated, at last coming 
home suspected his wife's chastity, stampt her on the belly and broke her neck down 
staires ; her mother excoicated him a new ; he dyes, being protected by the Turkes, 
whome he served in many things. At last, 2 years after, his freinds, fearing so many 
excoications npon him hindered his dissolution, digg*d him up, found him intire, hair, 
nayles, etc., onely very black. They got a wvxxjStfnitvf from the Abp. : it would not 
serve turn, for a yeare after they found him still entire : at last came the mother of his 
wife and desir'd his pardon likewise, saying she was now satislyed that God had 
testifyed the innocence of her daughter : upon the Arp's fresh wvyxAft^rv he was 
dissolved in a very little time. This was asserted to me by several men of credit, 
especially Sr D. T., Sr D. P., & Sr D. H." 

Of the Other islands, Pasha Liman, opposite the western 
point of the Kapu Dagh, retains also its ancient 
name, Halone, certainly not, as Gedeon would have 
it, a corruption of AvXwyui, but rather " so called of the forme of 
a yard in which oxen use to grinde come or beate it small*/' 
The island is mentioned by Pliny (Halone cum oppido% by 
Pachymeres as 'AXl»yioy^ and in the legend of S. Bassa*. The 
island has three villages, Pasha Liman and Halone on the 
well-sheltered western bay, and Vory (ficSpt;) to the north. 
Halone is the seat of the Archbishop of Proconnesus*. The 
island is said by Paleme to have been settled by Albanians 
under a renq;ade pasha': it is low-lying and has a considerable 
export wine-trade, mentioned as early as Mottraye. 

In Pasha Liman Gedeon found ruins at Khoukhlia which he 
conjectures to represent the oppidum mentioned by Pliny*, and 
at the same place a very ancient boustrophedon inscription*. 
As in the other islands there are here many remains of monasteries, 

> From Cove!, MS. 99,911, f. 465. For the superstition see Poliles' Ila^aa^rf if . 

* Fynes Morytoo. ' v. 40. 

^ II. 58$. Uuano mentions tbe island as AttdgtutMp p. 226, 

* Sjma3tar$m$t Aag. «i. Bassa was martyred nndcr Maximian : it is, however, 
unocftain whether she died in Halone or at Cyacns : according to local Icfend her 
rcoiains were washed ashore at Halone. Her ^yim^ftm is still to be seen there 
(GedeoQ, p. 37). 

* For at least two centories (Cedeoo, p. 194). 

' ch. xdz. Gedeon (55) remarks that the names in Halone are curions and 
foreign-floondtng. The island is sometimes called Bt^pypm^ from a Bulgarian colony. 

* p. ««. • PI. A. 5. 

3— » 


mostly ruined or meanly rebuilt within the last 150 years: Para- 
deision has still eight or ten monks. At Vory is a church of 
S. Anna with a hermit's cell, the former a foundation, the latter 
the dwelling of S. Stephen the younger*. The church of S. Anna 
is frequented as a healing shrine'. 

Aphisia or Arablar (the latter name from a colony of 
Arabs on the eastern bay') appears to be Scylax' 
^ *' Elaphonnesus, "an island with a good harbour 

cultivated by the Proconnesians*": the anchorage between it 
and Pasha Liman is protected on the north by the small island 
of Kutdli. Aphisia is probably also the old Proconnesus of 
Strabo, possibly the Ophiussa of Pliny: but Diogenes of 
Cyzicus' mentions an island Physia distinct from Ophiussa. 
In the Byzantine writers the name is spelt Aphousia', and the 
island is mentioned most frequently as a place of banishment ^ 

The condition of the island is backward owing to lack of 
boats, church lands, and damage done to the vines. It has two 
villages, Arablar on the east and Aphisia (Greek) on the west 
coast. At the latter are ruins of a Church of the Trinity, 
of which Gedeon records a curious superstition. It was believed 
that if a sailor was detained by adverse winds on his homeward 
voyage, the wind could be changed if his relations at home 
made the circuit of the ruins burning incense the while*. 

* He was exiled to Proconnesus, founded a monastery of S. Anna, and lived in 
a cave called Kc0'0'<N/3a : see Vita S. SiepAani jununHs (Migne, Pair. Grec. c p. 1178). 
The effigy of S. Stephen appears on a Byzantine bishop's seal (Schlumberger, Sigiilo" 
graphU 199, p. 731). 

' Zachariades (p. 405) describes it as X(ar $avf»arwpy^, adding that many pilgrims 
flock to it at the pamgyris from the islands and the Kapn Dagh, dtpaarwbiaxwoi 9cd rwr 
vvwyiBSnf rpdwup, ^vwoKonifidTtaw diyXod^ koI tw Xocrwr. 

* Le Bruyn 67. * 94. 

* Ap. Steph. Byz., s.v. 'BicfiiKot, 

' Anal. BolL XVI. 159, d<A t6 direcrat rV irarevtfe(ar, t^t oXfuu^ o(h-«# raXov^if (!). 

' Theoph. I. 774. Sons of Constantine VI. , 811 A. D. Acta SS. and Synaxariaf 
June 5 (Hilarion of Dalmata, c. 834 ; for his dyo^/us cf. Gedeon, p. 73) , Apr. x 
(Macarius of Pelecete, c. 819); Apr. .17 (John of Kathara, c. 713); Dec. 26 
(Theodore Gmptos; cf. Migne, Fair. Gr. cxvi. 669—^79). 

' Gedeon, p. 63, Al M Turoocet rtIO x^P^^t KvpUat oZ fiffriptSf dSek^al, rcU 
a-6()fyoi Twr irodiifJUtOrrmf ravr«iiv, vcureu wurrti^ovatM — 17 rpi^XdxufTotf iwlvrtvov dXKori 
wort — 8ti 9^99 ttw€ff i pavrikXifUPot f/Mrc lULKpiof rij/t rarpUot inr^ dMi/unf drrif^mp 
Kuko6iU99t yd hri/rrphlqi, ifA*^( ^d Sv/udawtw adrai irtpi^pdfUPtu. vtpl rd iptlwia ruSra 

Ill] KUTALI 37 

The ancient name of Kutili is unknown: the modern, 
derived from its skyline*, is already of respectable 
antiquity'. The island is mostly under cultivation, 
and the one village, with its large and well-built houses, has 
a very prosperous appearance: many of the inhabitants are 
deep-sea sailors. Kutali contains several churches, none of 
importance. According to tradition the Franks in the 13th 
century sacked the one great monastery*. Small antiquities are 
said to have been found on the site of the old (but restored) 
church of the 'PoSoy *AfjuipaPTov, which contains an ancient 

Le Bruyn' and Castellan* give Gadaro among the four larger 
islands. This appears from Pococke's map to be incorrect, 
Gadaro being there identical with the islet called Khersizada. 

The other names given in Pliny's list^ — Acanthus, Phoebe*, 
Scopelos, Porphyrione, Delphacie, and Polydora* — cannot be 
attributed to individual islands of the Cyzicus archipelago, 
which includes many satellites of the larger islands, west of the 
peninsula, and a small group of rocky islets — the Mola islands^ — 
off the eastern point of the same. Gedeon" found traces of 
ancient occupation even on Geri and Koyun-adassi. 

Under the Turks the inhabitants of the islands supplied 
recruits for the fleet", and their fishermen were required to make 
an annual journey to the Black Sea to fetch a particular kind 
of sand, which, being deposited off Seraglio point, bred oysters 
for the Grand Signior's table**. The almost unmixed character 
of the population preserves the islands from many of the dis- 
advantages of the Turkish Government From the records 
published in M. Gedeon's monograph, it appears that the in- 
habitants, owing to their vineyards, quarries, and fisheries, were 

* Cf. Niceph. Greg. Lxxxvni.; CanUc. i. 151, 313. 

* Gedeon, p. 83. ^ /6. p. 79. 

* p. 67. • II. ch. 12. 

' V. 4a * Cf. Steph. Byz. s.v. Besbicus. 

* Cf. Steph. Byz. s.t. 

'* Of these ooly S. Andreas is cultivated (Malkotzes, p. 355) and none are in- 
habited. Sathas (Mc«-. BifiK in. 565) dtes a sigiUion of 1616 wtpl roC 4p rj h^ 
^itrutpi MifXfUHi&w9t fU^ipLiv roO 'A^^ov 'Ap9pi9v vw6 'I«#dFvov Ho^pt»»vpa kti9&4wt9u 

" p. 317. '• Gedeon 54 etc " Dapper 491. 


fairly prosperous in the middle of the eighteenth century: their 
trade b^an to decline with the opening of the nineteenth, and 
this depression brought about the mortgaging of the church 
lands, which form a great part of the available tillage, to the 
great monasteries of Athos, the A€ifiu>p in Lesbos, and S. Nicho- 
las of Andros, and elsewhere. The result has been that in the 
case of Marmara one-third of the cultivated land has been thus 
alienated, while the coming of steam has still further handicapped 
the petty commerce of the islands. 



The mainland behind Cyzicus from Karabogha to Mudania 
General >s '^F the most part a plateau cut oflT by hills from 

contoun. ^j^^ ^^^^ ^^^ backcd by others forming the second 

step to the main watershed. It may be conveniently divided 
into the basins of the Bigha, Gunen, and Mihallitch rivers, 
which flow through the only gaps in the coast hills. The 
Mihallitch river, whose valley is physically and commercially 
one of the great arteries of the country, accounts with its 
tributaries for more than two-thirds of the land under discussion ; 
from the west it receives the water of the undulating plateau 
which, centring in the lake of Manyas, forty feet above sea- 
level, extends eastwards to the barely perceptible boundary of 
the Gunen river basin : from the east it carries ofl" the water of 
the corresponding plain, draining into the lake of AbouUiond, 
and of the Nilufer valley, which lies between this plain and 
the sea. 

Between the point of Kara-Bogha and the isthmus of 
Cyzicus there are but two rivers worthy of the 


name — the Bigha Chai, with its tributaries, and the 
Gunen Chai. Both spring from the ridge of Ida called Cotylus by 
Demetrius of Scepsis* and take a general north-easterly direc- 

' For ft more detailed account of the physical geography of the district reference 
may be made to Tchihatcheff's work on the natural history of Asia Minor. Of earlier 
travellers, Wheler, Covel, Pococke and others notice botany, and Texier and 
Hamilton geology. Of Dr Alfred Philippsoo's geological tour only a Varlaufiger 
BerUki has as yet appeared (ii/t. Btrl* Atad^ 1909, 68 ft). 

' Ap. Strab. 604. 

40 THE mainland: physical features [ch. 

tion towards the Marmora. Strabo's description of the coast 
Biffha chai shews US that we must recognise in these rivers the 
(Qranicu.). Qranicus (Bigha Chai) and Aesepus (Gunen Chai) 
of history, so called from Homer* and Hesiod* downwards. 

Both the Granicus and its eastern tributary pass through a 
good deal of plain country* as they approach the sea, and the 
main stream enters the sea through a broad gap in the line 
of the coast hills. Its ancient lower course, according to 
Kiepert, passed slightly west of the present, through what is 
now the small and rapidly vanishing lake of Edje Gueul. The 
western tributary of the Granicus, called Kara Atly Chai or 
Khodja Bashi Chai, is identified by Demetrius of Scepsis* 
with the Homeric Rhesus*. 

The upper waters of the Aesepus* flow through a broad and 
Gunen Chai well-tiUed Upland valley — the modem department 
(Aesepus). of Avunia ; after leaving the mountain country, the 
river passes through the plain of Gunen, where it receives a 
fair-sized tributary from the west and then bores itself a tortuous 
way through the barrier of hills ; it enters the sea, forming an 
extensive coast-plain at its mouth, about half-way between the 
Granicus and Cyzicus. 

By the Crusaders of Barbarossa's expedition' Granicus is 
called Diga (for Pega) and Aesepus Aveloaica, Anelonica, 
Avelonica, probably corruptions of AifktovtriKo^K 

* //. XII. 19. 

* Tkec;^. 541. The name of Granicus was, however, inconsistently derived from 
an Aeolian settler (Str. 583). 

* Cf. Str. 587 tA s-oXXA Si *A,9parrtUit rtHov, 

* Ap. Str. 6ai: Demetrius is uncerUin, putting forward also the possibility of the 
identification Rhesus =Rhoeites, an unknown river. 

* Kiepert identifies the Khodja Bashi with the Homeric Caresus. Cf. however 
Str. 603, where Caresus is said to flow into Aesepus. The whole question is a barren 
one, since Demetrius' uncertainty shews that the names were no longer in use in 
classical times and consequently that oar own guesses are as good or as bad as his. 
Demetrius' Rhoditu, for instance, which rose 60 stades from the Fair Pine and felt 
into the Aeneus (?> was certainly not the Rhodius of the Abydene coins, but possibly 
the GuUe Chai (Tk. Guile, from gul *<ro8e," literaUy~*P6«cot) of the Granicus 
system : the name 'P63iot occurs in an inscription of Bighashehr (v. 94). 

* Modem Gunen Chai, the upper waters At Kayassi Su (Horse-rock-water), 
Kazdagh-Su (Goose-mountain-water), Tchihat. I. 410. 

' Ansbert, Tageno, Anon. Canisii. 

* So Tomaschek. Lassara, the name given by early map-makers to Aesepus 

IV] kara-d£r]£ 41 

The third river of this district, called indifferently Kara Su, 

Kmrn-dkri Kara-d<r^ Su, or Ak-Chai, rises in the same ridge 

(TaraiiM?). ^^ ^j^^ Granicus and Aesepus, and flows like them 
in a general north-easterly direction till it enters the lake of 
Manyas towards the south-eastern extremity ; at a point only 
slightly east of its entrance it leaves the lake and makes its way 
first east, then north-east, and again east, across the plain to 
join the great river at Mihallitch : the only important tributary 
is the stream flowing south-east from behind Panderma, which 
I have called conjecturally Stribos^ 

The Kara Su thus conveys into the Mihallitch river the 
whole of the water of the eastern plateau. This latter is cut 
off from the sea by hills which rise in some cases, as for example 
Delikli Bair, opposite the isthmus, and the Kara Dagh range, to 
a considerable altitude. 

The plain of Manyas is conspicuously devoid of scenic 
attractions ; the lake is muddy, and the hills never approach 
it near enough to diversify the skylines: its shores are dull 
and flat and the rolling down-country which surrounds it, 
though fertile enough where cultivated, is treeless except on the 
southern side. This southern shore is frequently flooded and 
affords rank pasture and water-meadows for the herds of 
buffalo which graze it. Behind it rise the moderate heights of 
the Souaryah Dagh (behind Manyas) while to the south-east 
are visible the three peaks of Tchatal* — too far off however to be 
a conspicuous feature — and to the east on clear days a gleam of I 

misty white marks the distant snows of the Mysian Olympus. : 

The Kara-d6r6 river has been identified with Strabo's Tarsius^ 

rromascliek, 93) mnd by Niger to Granicus, has crept in from the variously misspelt 
and misplaced Lartacho (sArtaki) of the Portplam. Aesepus is very variously 
named by travellers, Boclcw by Chtshull (59), Outsvok Su by Lecbevatier (I. 33), 
Satalder6 and Dermen by Texier (164). Discussion is unprofitable, since the frequent 
variation may be due not only to incorrect maps and identifications, but to the practice 
of naming rivers afker villages, each community giving its name to that part of the 
river with which it is acquainted. > See below, p. 48. 

' The ancient name of this striking mountain is unknown: rd rov Tptx^Uorot i^ut 
is mentioned in the Life of Joannicius (Sjmax. EccL Cp. Nov. 4), the scene of which 
lecms to be the Brasa district, and the name is distinctly appropriate. 

* The name is apparently of Thracian origin. The name Tlirraj occurs in Thradan 
inscriptions: Dumont, 446 (no b. 17), 447 (no b. 11), and Tarsia, Tarsiatae in 
Porp hy ioge n itns* account of Bithynia (pp. 15, a? B.). 



ChishulP and apparently Kiepert* (though he does not print it 
on his map) have heard it called Tarza or Tarssa Su, which 
sounds like a survival of the ancient name. Beyond this there 
is little positive evidence for the identification. Against this 
generally accepted view must however be weighed the fol- 
lowing considerations : {a) Strabo ' speaks of the Tarsius, a 
river remarkable for "twenty fords in the same road, like the 
Heptaporus of the poet," as about Zeleia, which the Kara-d6r^ 
is certainly not : (d) and the same author, quoting Demetrius, the 
local authority, says that (Homer's) Heptaporus is " the river they 
also call Polyporus, for it is crossed by the road as you go from 
the villages about the Fair Pine to the village of Melaenae and 
the Asclepieum founded by Lysimachus*." This seems to 
identify Heptaporus, Polyporus and Tarsius. The Fair Pine can 
be roughly located near the headwaters of the Scamander, 
Aesepus and Granicus — nowhere near the Kara-d6r^. Now the 
road followed by Tchihatcheflf from Bigha up the Khodja Bashi 
crossed the latter many times, from which circumstance the 
river is called " Kirk getchid " (" forty fords"). This route 
curiously enough passed a village called Mavpe^^ which at least 
in name corresponds with the old MeKaivai. There is at any 
rate some justification for the assumption that the Kodja 
Bashi «■ Heptaporus- Polyporus, whether or not Strabo rightly 
identified Heptaporus with Tarsius. 

A curious geographical digression in Anna Comnena* to 

explain the local name Barenus informs us that 
BmpeinV fTom B, mountain Ibis (Strabo's Cotylus) flowed the 
coroftes rivers Scamander (inserted perhaps for its Homeric 

interest), Barenus' (connected with Baris which 
seems to have stood on the Aesepus*), Empelus and Angelo- 

^ p. 58. ' Afem, Karte Klanas,<, p. 56. 

' p- 587 IIc^ iik» o9r rrp ZcXclat 6 Td^t^ kvri vomfibt dko^i fx"^ Siapdfftts 
r% a&rj 6df. Plinj mentions Heptaporos (v. 13) but not Tarsios. 
^ p. 603. ' Fern, plur, from /caO^ors black. 

• XIV. 5. 

^ The identification in the NoHHa of Barenus with an unknown Monolycus (see 
Ramsay, Gtog, 437) is rightly explained by Tomaschek, p. 18, as a misapprehension 
of this same passage in Anna Comnena. 

* See p. 108 below, but the identification is by no means certain. 


Now we have record of a cult of a river Enbeilus (an earlier 
spelling of the name) in a votive inscription found at Panderma S 
and the occurrence of an exactly parallel inscription at Alexa 
on the lower Kara-d^r6' enables us to finally identify Enbeilus- 
Empelus with the latter river. If Barenus is Aesepus, which is 
probable, and Empelus is the Kara-d^r6, which is certain, it is 
lexical to suppose that Angelocomites is represented by Granicus. 
But I more than suspect that it was really identical with 
Empelus, on the banks of which stood the Civitas Archangelos\ 

The great river flowing from the Lake of Simav and draining 
by its tributaries all the country around and above 
the lakes is variously named at different points of 
its long course, Simav Chai, Susurlu Chai, Mihallitch Chai. It 
is obviously to be identified with Strabo's^ Mecestus, Pliny's 
Macestus*, and the Megistus of Demetrius of Scepsis'. The 
name is probably non-Greek', which would account for the varia- 
tion : and the form M^stus is perhaps a popular etymology. 

Its upper waters run almost due west, but above Bigaditch it 
takes a sharp turn to the north which is its general direction 
henceforward. Above Kebsud it receives from the west the 
streams of the Balukiser plain, in particular the Uzunja-d^r^ 
(possibly the mediaeval *Oyo7ryurr^9*), and makes a short bend 
eastwards. After this it continues to flow almost due north 
down a narrow valley which opens to the plains below Susurlu: 
then, bending north-east, and receiving near Mihallitch the 
Kara-dM from the west, and the Ulubad Chai and Nilufer 
Chai from the east, it flows again through a comparatively 
narrow valley into the sea opposite the island of Kalolimno*. 

* Inscr. IV. 77. , 

* Inscr. IV. 78. The name also occurs as a man's name in Inscr. v. S5. Acsepas. 
like Enbeilus, was honoured with a cult (Aristid. 503 Dind.) and is the name of 
a Cysicene in Inscr. i. 1. ' See p. m. ^ 576. * N.H. v. 4s. 

* Ap. Schol. Ap. Rh. i. 1165 where it is identified with Rhjmdacus. Cf. also 
Polyb. v. 77, 17. It is called M^i Ilora^ in Theoph. n. 7 (de Boor). 

^ Cf. Mfffa^npp^ a local epithet of Apollo (Inscr. iv. 51), Macestis, a name in 
Le Bas 11S7. * See below, p. 153. 

* The words of Valerius Flaccus (ui. 35) '*Teque etiam medio flaventem, 
Rhyndace, ponto** are said by Tchihatcheff in his account of the river (1. 300 ff.) to 
be literally tnte: '*Vers son embouchure... il devient tellement limoneux que ses 
ondes jaunissantes forment dans la mer une large bande coloree." So also says 


During the early days of the Sultan-Chair boracite mine the 
river was utilized for steam transport^, and there is again talk 
of making it navigable up to Kebsud. 

As the western plain is drained by the Kara-d^r^ and the 
lake of Manyas, so is the eastern by the Edrenos 
river and the lake of Aboulliond. The plain is 
smaller, since the hills approach close up to the southern shore 
of the lake, and on the north it is divided from the sea by two 
ranges of hills between which flows the Nilufer river : the lake 
gains in picturesqueness from the proximity of the hills, and 
from the wooded islets with which its surface is studded. The 
Edrenos Chai, called also at its exit from the lake Ulubad Chai, 
is to be identified with the Rhyndacus', which the ancients 
curiously considered the main stream rather than the Macestus. 
Pliny* and Strabo* both speak of its "receiving" the Macestus 
as a tributary, whereas, compared with the latter, its course is 
short and its valley unimportant: its upper waters (Edrenos 
Chai) pass in a narrow bed through sparsely-populated moun- 
tain country communicating with no important pass, while 
the lower river (Ulubad Chai) issuing from the western end 
of the lake of Aboulliond by Ulubad flows after a few miles 
between ideally dull banks into the main valley of the Macestus. 
The river is navigable up to the lake, which is fished by the 
inhabitants of Apollonia. 

Pliny' mentions Lycus as an ancient name of the Rhyndacus; 
Anna Comnena* speaks of a iroraith^ ir^pi ^oirc&iov called 
Lampes. Niger^ calls it Lartachus which is explained by the 
juxtaposition of the river and Artaki on the early maps. Other 
authorities of this date* give Lopadium (Ulubad Chai) as the 
name of the river. 

The Nilufer Chai, flowing due west, parallel with the coast 

and the road from Cius to Lopadium, is again 

comparatively unimportant It is not navigable, 

and its valley has never served as a highway for more than its 

' Cuinet, p. 69. 

' Th« name may be of Persian origin. A bird called by the Persians Rhyndacc^ 
is mentioned in Photiut, p. 44, Bekker. 

» 576. * N,H. V. 4«. • Jh, • VI. i«. ' p. 418. 

' Cf. Ortelins, s.v. Rhyndacns, and authorities there quoted. 


own villages. It has been identified on the strength of Hecataeus' 
description* with the Odryses (perhaps the Harisius of Pliny)" 
which flows through the Mygdonian plain into the Rhyndacus, 
passing out of the lake of Dascylium at its western end, but the 
identification is at least uncertain'. The course of the river 
has been explored by Dr Ruge^ Its modern appellation, Nil- 
ufer, is said to have been the name of the daughter or wife 
of Orkhan, who built a stone bridge over it*. 

In our description of the rivers of the Cyzicene we have had 
occasion to mention the lakes now called after 
Manyas and Aboulliond. The question of their 
ancient names has been discussed by Texier* and Perrot^ but no 
final conclusion has been reached, owing to the discrepancies 
between our various authorities. Chief among these is Strabo 
whose testimony is so explicit as to seem unmistakeable, though 
in reality, probably, based on no personal knowledge of the 

(tf) Strabo* mentions three lakes, each of which was given 
its name by an adjacent town, thus : 

1. Dascylitis near which was Dascylium. 

2. Miletopolitis „ ,» Miletupolis. 

3. Apolloniatis „ „ ApoUonia called ad Rhyndacum. 
These are mentioned between Olympus and Cyzicus ; the two 
latter lakes are said to " lie above " (t/7rep«eib'tfai) Dascylitis. 
Miletopolitis and Apolloniatis are elsewhere expressly men- 
tioned apart, the latter being apparently the further from 
Cyzicus*. In another passage a lake Aphnitis, near Zeleia, is 
mentioned, which is identified with Dascylitis'*. 

^ Ap. Stimb. 550. Cf. Pliny's Horisius, 

' The name is andoubtedly of Thracian origin. Cf. Hdt. iv. 93, etc. 
' See below on the Mysian lakes. Tomaschek identifies it with Soloeis (Plutarch, 
TkumisL 76), of which, he suggests, Pliny's Gt/^es is a corruption. 

* Peterwtann*! MiitA» 1893, 214. 

* Hadji Khalla 11. 483. Evliya EflTendi trans. Von Hammer II. 35. The 
fbnner oonfuses it with the Edrenos Chai. Nilufer is said to be Turkish for 
NpnpkoMa Alba. * AsU Mimurt \\. 163. ^ I. 91. - 'p. 575. 

* p. 576 piiuurrm, (sc ol Ki/jUnpoi) roXA^r lUxp^ rrgi ]fiXfr«roXirt3pt Xi^unyt ««1 
T% 'AwXXMruinJoff mMfi. 

** p- S^7 Tatfrovf sc. (ZeXc(7Af)...'A^€iovt (^JcdXei) dvA tifi 'A^trtin »^jbwrt 
ff«U 7^1^ o0rh» aaXtrrot 1^ Aa«'«vX<rit. 

« ^ 


(6) Pliny^ places a lake Artynia near Miletupolis, certainly 
the lake of Aboulliond since the Rhyndacus is said to flow 
through it 

(c) Plutarch* speaks of Lucullus bringing a great boat 
overland' to Cyzicus from Dascylitis during the Mithradatic 
siege. No lake but that of Manyas was on Lucullus' way from 
Phrygia, so that this must be regarded as confirmation of Strabo's 
identification of Aphnitis and Dascylitis. 

(d) Stephanus* identifies Aphnitis and Artynia. 

From Strabo, apart from his general statement which affords 
no clue, we gather that 

Aphnitis s= Dascylitis = L. of Manyas. 

From Pliny that Artynia = L. of Aboulliond. 

From Plutarch that Dascylitis = L. of Manyas. 

[From Stephanus that Artynia = Aphnitis.] 

Hitherto the usual explanation of the problem raised by 
these discrepant statements is that : 

( i) Lake of Aboulliond = (a) Artynia « (6) Apolloniatis. 

(2) Lake of Manyas = (a) Aphnitis = (6) Miletopolitis. 
Artynia and Aphnitis are presumably names existent before 

the foundation of Apollonia and Miletopolis. 

(3) Unknown lake on the Nilufer = Dascylitis. 

With (i) no quarrel is possible, the statement of Pliny being 
sufficiently explicit as to (ay and the known site of Apollonia* 
with the modem name of the lake attesting the truth of (d). 

In (2), the equation (a) may be regarded as proved by the 

^ V. 40 (14a) [Rhyndacns] oritur in stagna Artynia juxta Miletopolim. 

* Vita LuculH 9. 

' It is to-daj the practice of the Cossack fishermen of Lake Manyas to cart their 
boats overland to the sea at Pandemia on trolleys bailt for the purpose, rather than 
to navigate the Kara-der6 to the Macestus, when the Black Sea fishing season 

^ S.V. 'A^rcior* 4 ^A"^ ^ *''P' Kvj'Uov 'A^mrct ^ v-p6r«poi> 'Aprwla. AoffKvXSns 
Xl/unii is mentioned incidentally, s.v. Aotf'irvXcibr. 

* Stephanus* statement that Artynia = Aphnitis is perhaps bated on (1) Pliny's 
mention of Artynia as juxia MiUtcpolim^ and (1) vagueness as to the position of 
Miletupolis which has in our own day been sought in the Manyas plain. Stephanus, 
professedly a compiler, is very vague as to relative positions of places in the 

* Soidas' statement, s.v. 'AroXXc«r(arif X^^cnf, that the lake was named after 
Apollonis is obviously due to confusion with the town of that name near Peigamiim. 


association based on Homer' of Zeleia with Aphnitis : (6) is 
more doubtful now that we know certainly that Miletopolis was 
not only much nearer the lake of AboulUond but on the AbouU 
liond side of the Macestus. Its proximity to the lake of 
Aboulliond even suggests that Strabo was misled by a desire of 
parallelism and that there were in reality only two lakes, i.e. that 
Apolloniatis bore also the name Miletopolitis'. This solution 
would be particularly welcome in view of the fact that one 
of the chief difficulties of the lake question is that there are 
only two existent lakes as far as can be ascertained. This 
leaves only one interpretation for (3), viz. that Dascylitis is 

(3) The position of the vanished lake on the Nilufer' rests 
on the assumption that Nilufer — Odryses (for which there 
is no direct evidence); Hecataeus distinctly says that lake 
Dascylitis was traversed by the Odryses, but equally distinctly 
that the Odryses flowed /nmt tlu -west into the Rhyndacus*. 
The position of Dascylium (though a Dascylium undoubtedly 
stood on the coast near the vanished lake) is very doubtful, and 
a certain amount of positive evidence may be gleaned from 
Strabo's statement that Aphnitis = Dascylitis and Plutarch's 
apparently independent implication that Dascylitis was take 

I therefore r^ard as tenable, pending further evidence, the 
theory that: 

Lake Aboulliond = Artynia = Apolloniatis and Miletopolitis. 

Lake Manyas = Aphnitis » Dascylitis'. 

' //. 11. S14 CP( U ZAoor fr«4»...'A^tu>{, rJrtmi U«p |iA» AJr4*«M. 

* The lake of ApoUonia. pnermHj called 1^ r^ 'ATaXXngiJlH X4v^ bjr the 
BTtaMinea, is called after Lopadinin in Chalcondjrles, p. 115 B. ll is generallj 
Aboolliond Gneol in Turkish, bat Hadji KbalTa 11. 477, 479, 481 names it after 

* For a poniblc site see Ruge's paper in Ptttnmanm'i Miilk. 38. 114. 

* Ap. Sir. S51 frl N 'AXaffv rUi ■wvr^^ 'Ofpdinrt ^w IiA Mifiarl^ wtHm i.*i 
MriM /■ r$t UfirtK r^t Aa«»iXlri3M i% 'P«v«a<gr fr^XXri (Dolioni* aiKl HrpliMiis 
an aiuiciatcd in Sir. J7$). 

* An ahenaiive position for Dascylitii maf be sa^gcsted ooith of Bmsa, wbcre 
an traoa of a lake on ■ tribataij of the Nitufer. 



Fronting the isthmus of Cyzicus rise the rather barren slopes 
Adrasteia of DelikH Bair, which is certainly the Mens Adras- 
**°"** teia (named after a temple of that goddess*) where 

Lucullus took up his position behind Mithradates', so as to 
intercept all supplies coming to the besieging army from the 
landward side. The single narrow approach to the position 
spoken of by Appian* is possibly to be found in the bed of 
a stream flowing from the neighbourhood of Aidinjik to the 

Slightly west of the isthmus, in a saddle of the coast hills, 
which are here beautifully wooded, lies Aidinjik, 
a large village, with a mixed population of Turks, 
Tartars, Armenians and Greeks ; the latter have a church of 
S. George. Aidinjik was formerly a place of some importance, 
and the seat of a local governor^ The name is said to mean 
"Little Moonlight," in allusion to the moonlight adventure of 
Suleiman Pasha* ; but the place is mentioned by Seaddin* before 
the conquest of Karassi. Aidinjik is full of ancient remains 
plundered from the ruins and contains a picturesque mosque 
raised on wooden pillars, each supported by a reversed Corin- 
thian capital. 

^ Str. 588. Kiepert's Formae OrHs IX. identifies Adrasteia with Lobrinion. 

» Plut. LueuU. 9. » De BeU. Mith, 72. 

^ The Greeks in Sestini*s time called it Passa-li. It remains a mudirate. 

* A second etymology derives it from an Emir Aidin, one of whose comrades built 
the village from the ruins of Cyzicus, Cuinet iv. 394. 

* Bratutti, I. 51. 


It is near Aidinjik that we must locate the Poketos of the 
Philetaerus legend'. Philetaerus was. on his way 
under escort from Nicaea to his place of banish- 
ment in Proconnesus, and was apparently to take ship at 
Cyzicus : his route is given in some detail from the crossing of 
the Rhyndacus to Poketos where he died. According to the 
Vita, when the party was already near the fiovvd*, a term 
elsewhere applied to the Kapu Dagh, the saint persuaded his 
escort to diverge by a cross-road to Poketos, whence Cyzicus 
could be gained with little loss of time. At Poketos there was 
a small Christian community owing its foundation to S. Paul*. 
Ramsay in St Paul the Traveller^ identifies a sanctuary of 
Artemis, mentioned in the Vita as near Poketos, with the 
Artemea of Hierocles and with the thermae ol hx\,tm\% at Gunen. 
This identification he uses to substantiate his argument that 
S. Paul passed Gunen on his way to Alexandria Troas ; but the 
extreme frequency of Artemis cults in the neighbourhood as 
evidenced by monuments and by the Vita itself makes the 
theory very doubtful, and the route to Cyzicus by Gunen 
involves a considerable circuit. Further the Vita refers to the 
lofty position of Poketos*, which does not suit Gunen, while the 
reference to the sacred grove of cypresses* is quite in harmony 
with their luxuriant growth to-day in the cemeteries which 
surround Aidinjik. 

The rest of the details of the journey from the Rhyndacus 
fit well. Serou kome would be somewhere on the Macestus 
(••the river" is mentioned), the river Koaste the Kara Su. the 
Stribos the stream flowing from behind Aidinjik to the latter 
river, and the village of Cleodes perhaps about Debleki, which is 

* Ad^ SS» May 19, ch. iii. For the name cf. PeoeCiun, a vicus of Philippopolis 
(Dttmont ri7q), and Ilvirdnp near Pariam, Str. 588. 

* Par. 96. The fiowA r^ Kv^ov are shewn by Acrop. xxiiu to be the hills of 
die Ra|m Dagh, since we know the position of KtpoftMt (see p. 19). 

* The yUa E9M0H in Synax, Cp, (Dec. 18) mentions at Poketos ^ 4n\^im, ^ 
4micmlm€m9 IlaCXat coi X(Xaf ol dv^^roXM dFc^6fi«i»M iwl tfittiJbtu 

* p. 138. 

* My old fellow-traveller, Mr Henderson, tells me he found an old Turkish 
cemetery with Byzantine and other remains **on a plateau near the top'* of the 


some fantastic rock form like the modem D^v^ Burnu ("Camel 
Cape") near Yenije. The "Scylaceion" of Valerius Flaccus* 
seems to refer to a headland, possibly this one. 

The two towns have no recorded history, but Placia has left 
autonomous coins dating from about 300 B.C.*, which fact points 
to its having been the more important of the two. Scylax*, too, 
mentions Placia but not Scylace. Placia was famous as the seat 
of the M£t£r Placian^^ whose worship was important enough to 
be transferred to Cyzicus, probably when Placia was absorbed 
by her powerful neighbour, just as the Proconnesian goddess 
was removed from Marmara. 

Considering their small importance Placia and Scylace are 
placed accurately enough by Mela. The site of the Placian^ 
shrine may be indicated by that of the mediaeval and modem 
religious centre of the Kara Dagh — ^the monastery of the Virgin 
at Kurshunlu, called indifferently Panagia Kara Dagh and rod 
M€7aXov "Aypov. 

I found at Kurshunlu not only a Byzantine church with 
remains of a once magnificent marble tessellated pavement, 
a massive precinct wall on the seaward side and a mined gateway 
of some pretensions*, but many ancient remains ; these included 
several large fragments of marble lions, which suggest that 
the monastery occupied the site of the temple of Placian^. 
At the same time I should hesitate to place Placia at Kurshunlu, 
which, lying under the highest point of the Kara Dagh range*, 
does not possess land enough for its own support, but lives by 
the export of charcoal to Constantinople. It is much more 
probable that Placia was at Yenije, where the mountains fall 
away towards the lower ground about Panderma, and that its 
territory embraced the mountain country and the shrine of the 
mountain goddess. If the Panagia is indeed the successor of 

^ ^fjr. ni. 36, Spomosamqiie kgnnt fracta SqfUoeioD mida. 

* Hcid, Hist. Akat. 465. Cf. N.C, VI. 188, B.M. Cat. (Mysia): the usual 
types are #kr. liead of M^^ Placiane, iw. lion tearing prey. 

* S 94* * Inscr. !• 8, 9. 

* Cf. ^(ft*. JrcJk. N. S« xxxvil. io«> where Carabeila mentions remains of a temple 
of Neptune beneath rains of a monastery, with numerous architectural firagmenls. 

* This must sorely be what Mela means by the Mysian Olympus **inuninens 
a tei^o.* His mstake is copied by Pliny. 


The town possesses five mosques, the largest, that of Haidar 
Tchaoush, a pleasing building on the quay, and five Greek 
churches, the chief being those of the Virgin and S. George: 
the monastery of the Trinity is picturesquely situated on the 
shore and boasts a sacred well of repute. The streets are 
wide, and in some cases well paved, and the quays modem 
and extensive. A stone pier has been commenced. Among 
the exports are the maize of the Mysian plains and the 
boracite of Susurlu : large numbers of lambs are also shipped 
to Constantinople in the season. The population is Greek, 
Turkish and Armenian, the latter element being specially im- 
portant*. De Stochove writing in 1650 talks of it as entirely 
inhabited by Armenians', and the settlement may, like those in 
the Troad', be as early as the Crusaders, and have influenced 
their choice of Panderma as their head quarters. Gerlach, 
however, lays stress on the Greek population. Panderma figures 
as a port on the early maps, and offered obvious advantages to 
the Italian traders of the middle ages. Villehardouin's and 
Gerlach's use of the Italian form of the name (Palorme, Palor- 
mus) points to an important settlement of Franks, as does 
du Chastel's mention . of a Latin chapel so late as the 17th 

Placia and Scylace^ lay on the coast between Cyzicus and 

ptocia and ^^ Rhyndacus' mouth. They were reputed colonies 

scyuc*. of ^jje Pelasgians, and in Herodotus' day still spoke 

a non-Greek dialect*. It is, however, curious that both names 

are quite Greek in sound. Both seem derived from natural 

features, Placia from a flat-topped acropolis, Scylace from 

* Cuinet's figures are 7,000 M., 1515 G., 1516 A., Fitiner*s practically identical. 
The former's account of modern conditions is especially interesting. 

* p. 183. It is worthy of remark Uiat Panderma is th« only place in the district 
where Armenians speak their native tongue, but local tradition holds the Armenians of 
Panderma for descendants of gypsies who had adopted the Armenian religion and 

' Acrop. Villeh., | i6t 'Mi Hemin de la terre dont y en avoit moult commincierent 
k toumer de vers lui qui haioent moult les Grex.'* Cf. Ansbert 36 (Armenians in 

* Steph. Bys. s.v. nxi«ir. Plagaea et Scydace, P. Mela I. 51. followed by Plin. 

V. 40w 

* I. 57- 

4— » 


countries, is related by the scholiast on Apollonius*, who says 
that the fie^a ripiov Air/ac&vo^ marked the place where Aegaeon 
was overwhelmed {xare'TrovrUrdij) by Poseidon : Aegaeon is con- 
sidered by the scholiast as identical with Briareus or (according 
to Demetrius of Scepsis) a Mysian hero. Arrian' says that the 
tomb of Briareus, a hill which was also called after Aegaeon, was 
shewn by the Rhyndacus : from it flowed a hundred springs 
which were called the arms of Briareus. 

This makes it clear that the "tomb of Aegaeon" is identical 
with the island Besbicus, a theory antecedently probable from 
the conspicuous position of the island to ships sailing east from 
Cyzicus. The name Besbicus (Bysbicus in the tribute lists) was 
given to the island later from a Pelasgian hero who settled 
there', and with the help of Heracles conquered the rest of the 

The presumably Pelasgian inhabitants of Besbicus partici- 
pated in the Delian league, after which history fails us till 
Theophanes in the middle of the 8th century colonized the 
island with monks from the mainland : it was then apparently 
called Calonymus', and later authors waver between this and 
the usual modern appellation Calolimno*, Calolimiona. 

The island was taken in 1308' by Kara AH, whence its 
Turkish name Emir AH Adassi. It is said by Buondelmonti to 
have been entirely uninhabited in his time (1420), but in the 
17th century Luke and Covel speak of it as fairly prosperous 
and as having two little towns, Arnaout Keui" and Kalolimno. 
It would thus appear that it was colonized like Marmara by 
Albanians. Its revenues went to the Shahzadeh Mosque in 

* I. 1 165. * Frag. 41. 

' Aegaeon was also said to have come from Pelasgian Euboea. Sch. Ap. Rh. i. 
1 165. 

^ Steph. Byz., Sch. Ap. Rh. It is curious to find the island still associated with 
a giant in the modem folktale of naro^ftput roO'BXXipof quoted by T. £. Evangelides 
in his account of Trigf ia. 

' Vita Theophanis, cf. Nicetas 475, Buondelmonti, Clavijo. 

' Uzzano has Calamento, the PortolaHi Calolimenct Calamineo, etc. The SaHing^ 
dirtctUns for Marmara mention the name Papa (" the Pope's Island " in Covel) evi- 
dently from the monks. 

' Von Hammer i. 1 80. 

* This village, called Bcviroi ('Ap^irot) by Evangelides, has disappeared. 


Constantinople. Covel enumerates four monasteries on the 
island dedicated to the Saviour*, the Virgin, Panteleemon and 
S. John the Divine. The island is counted to the vilayet of 
Brusa and to the bishopric of Nicomedia. 

Some eight miles east of the Rhyndacus' mouth is the road- 
stead of Eskil-liman, protected on the east by the 
bold headland formerly called Dascylium'. Re- 
mains of an ancient town on this headland are said to exist, 
and from it juts out a mole of massive unhewn limestone blckrks, 
roughly heaped together to form a tiny port. The modem 
village, a small place inhabited by Turks, is half an hour inland, 
but its inhabitants till the fertile slopes which stretch between 
the village and the sea. Eskil is on the road from Mudania to 
Mihallitch, the corresponding Greek village of Yali-chiftlik lying 
on higher ground to the south-east 

The roadstead of Eskil-liman is still known by the Greeks 
as Aoo-iclXi, and the existence of the place can be traced into 
classical times. Meletius mentions it as AcM-iceA.*, the Portoiani 
as Diasquilo, Diaschilo, Dascoli', and Boucicaut as "un gros 
villaige qui sted sur le goulphe de Nicomedie bien deux lieues 
loing de la marine," where he found "moult de beaux manoirset 
un riche Palais qui estoit k Bajazet^'* Dascylium was the seat of 
a Bithynian bishopric', and we have cited the Byzantine allusions 
to the harbour: Stephanus* mentions a fuxpop iroXtafidriov 
^aa-fcvkiov in the territory of Bryllion (Triglia?), and Mela i 

*'DascyIos in ora^" among the coast towns of Bithynia. Further, t 

a town Dascylion paid a small contribution to the Delian league. - 

' McDBM^f^itf^tt Xftrnfpof : this is the monastery foanded by Theophanes. 

* Both bay (Niceph. Gr^. III. 559) and headland (Const. Porph. 95) were so 

* Tomaschek, p. 11. 

* Bochon, § 949, ch« zxx. 1 1. Cf. J. DeUville le Roulx, La Frmue en Orieni 
«» XIV. tihU, p. 370. The distance from the sea is an over-statement, unless we 
nppoae that Yati-chiftlik is meant. According to some local informants it was 
originatlj an imperial estate setUed by Greeks deported after OrloflTs expedition : the 
hit is Tecy questionable. 

* Leqoien 619. To his list must be added a bishop John, whose seal, with device 
oC S. Thomas, is 6giired in Schlumberger's SigiiUgrapkU 739. 

* S.T. B^XXmt (quoted below, p. 56). 

^ I. 99. Cf. Plin. V. 40 (145). Ptol. V. 14? 


All these allusions can be definitely associated with Eskil- 
liman, but it is very far from certain whether the latter 
represents the seat of the Hellespontine satraps^ as is usu- 
ally held. There were a number of places called Dascylium, 
and it will be necessary to collect the meagre records of them 
in order to gain a clear idea of the evidence for and against 

The name was of Lydian origin, Dascylus being the father of 
Gyges'. Stephanus enumerates the following five towns called 
Dascylium : 

1. 7roXi9 Kapiof; eirl rot^ opoi^ rt)^ 'E^cr/a? airo AaaxiXov 
rov UepiavSov (cf. Paus. IV. 35 £ieuncv\ov Koifitf). 

2. icrri Bi Koi erepa iroki^ fiera rd TpipiKa KTurOelaa. 

3. T^9 *lo9via^ TO fUya \ey6fjL€pov. 

4. irepl 3iOwiav* i<m Bi teal \Lp,vri AaaxyXiri^, 

5. ty;9 AloKiBa^ koX ^pvyia^. 

The Bithynian Dascylium can alone concern us : Stephanus, 
who perhaps used Strabo as his source, is here very vague as to 
its position, but mentions it further : 

(1) S.V. BpvXTuov' iroKi^ iv Tff IlpoirovriBi. "Ei^opo^ Ktbv 
avnjp ^civ eZi/ai. BpvXXl? ^ X^P^ ^^ i ^auncvKAov ianv, 
fiiKpiv iroXiafioTiov. 

This reference is probably to the obscure coast tOMoi re- 
presented by Eskil-liman, though the identification of Bryllion 
with Cius by Ephorus is worthy of note. The following tend 
to connect Dascylion with the region of Nicaea: 

(2) S.V. *KvTVfov€ia BiOwia^ (= Nicaea) Trpo^ r^ Aaaxu* 

(3) s.v. *A<rtcavla' wdX*? Tp<piic^. VliKSXao^ Terdprrf itrropia. 
Hxa/iavBpo^ ''Etcropo^ icaX *AvBpofidj(ff^ iic rfj^ "IB^i^ koX tov 
AaatcvKeiov koI t^9 ^AcKavia^ tcaXovpAvrf^ ijv iiCTuaev o Alvelov 
7raA9 ^ Atncavw^. ov pivov tk 17 XZ/iVi; aXXa koX 17 ^copa Biaar^ koX 
ofioiwfAO^' ^pvyia^ fuv "^opxv^ av ^pvya^ 776 xal ^AcKavia^ 
0€O€iBrf^ Ot S" i^ *A<rKaviri^ ipifieiXaico^ ifkdov dfioifioi" rrj^ Bi 
Mwria^ etc. 

' Cf. Hdt. III. 110 6 49 Aa^KvXc(^ i^^/<ot, iHd. 116; vi. 55. Thnc. X. 119 ^ Aa^- 
xvXirtt ^arpawtia. Dion. Hal. X. 47. 5. 

• Hdt. I. 6. Pans. IV. at. Cf. AntA. Pal. vii. 709. 


With these are to be compared : 

Dion. Hal. I. 47. 5 el^ 1-171/ Aa<r«vX!riy KoKovfjihnfiv yfjv, ivda 
iarlv t) *K<ncavia XifivtfK 

The contrast is great between a town which gives its name 
to the surrounding region, and one which is itself included in so 
obscure a canton as Bryllis. 

We turn now to the well-known description of the palace of 
Pharnabazus by Xenophon^ We may say at the outset that it 
is almost impossible to conceive of this place as on the sea : the 
Greeks had evidently no idea of the position of Pharnabazus' 
palace, and there is no mention even of proximity to the coast. 
On general grounds, too, the Persians, like the Turks, did not select 
maritime centres of government. Xenophon was chiefly impressed 
by the luxuriant fertility of the place, its river full of fish and its 
woods of game, its rich villages, and its royal parks and chases. 

Our only clue to the position of the Dascylium of the Helles- 
pontine satraps is the fact that Alexander, turning south after 
Granicus, despatched Parmenio, presumably east, to Dascylium. 

Two theories have been put forward : 

(i) That Eskil represents the satraps' capital. 

(2) That Dascylium was in the plain of Manyas. 

(i) I regard as the solution of the desperate, Eskil being at 
least a fixed point. It certainly cannot be the well wooded and 
watered district which roused Xenophon's enthusiasm*, and its 
position on the sea is very much against it 

(2) is backed by Plutarch's^ very obvious identification of the 

' Compare also ApoUod. BM» <• 5* 9* 5 where Lycns, ion of Daseyhu, kin^ of 
Mysia, is atucked by the Btbrycts, Another vague mythological reference which 
gives OS no help is Nic. Damasc. fng. 63 where Miletus flees from Sadyattes to 
Dascylittm and thence to Proconnesus. 

* HtU. IV. I. 15 sqq. (Aa^cvXcior) |r#a ttwX rk fia^Skna iw ^u^mfii^ ml jtAimc 
Wfl mMk vaXXai «al I^ora Ix^vt^** ^ ^nn|3«c«, itol ^4pai» al 1U9 4p wtputpypJp^it 
va^ald^Mt, al M irai ir 4rav««Tafiiro«t r^Mt, wdyttoXM^ wtpUppti M mU vara^ 
a mr ra^ a rflr (x^lW wX^ipfff ifr M «U r A «Tip4 i^ # s>a rati 6pmi$wcuL ^w$t49uu 

* AmUmd 1855, p. 556, 'Ma Yali TchilUik." says Mordtmann, *'und in Iskele 
(Eskil) sah ich weit and breit kein Baum ausgenommen die gekappten swerghaften 
Mattlbeerbiiame'*: there is no river and no woods. 

« VUm lM€um 9. Cr. also Hecataeus (ap. Str. 551) *Oa^^ri|t ^^mp M Mrr^sWft 
wAUa kwk adtfiat U r^ JU^irifr r^ Aa#«vXl7iJaf kt'^iufHMm tftf/MXXf«. For a relief 
of a haater in Persian costame foond in the Karadere valley, yttJM,S, XX vi., pi. vi. 
Stephanas, s.v. *A#caF(a (quoted above), again connects Dascylium, Ascama, and Ida. 


lake of Manyas and Dascylitis. The site, if in this direction at 
all, must be sought on the south of the lake where there is 
pleasant rolling country with wooded hills behind, and a beautiful 
river valley (the Kara-dir6). The rest of the plain is far from 
harmonising with Xenophon's enthusiastic description. 

(3) A third theory is suggested by the passages which 
connect Dascylium with the Nicaea district : it is at least possible 
that Dascylium occupied the approximate site of the modem 
provincial capital, Brusa, whose environs, more than any other 
region for miles, deserve the eulogies of Xenophon. Nothing 
moreover is known of this district previous to the foundation 
of Prusa by the Bitfaynian kings. The identification has the 
additional advantage of providing a possible Xiiivri Aa<r4cvXm9 
in the remnant of a lake traversed by the Nilufer just east of 

Seven miles east of the promontory of Dascylium lies the 
Triciu village of Triglia*. It is a large place", inhabited 

almost entirely by Greeks, and situated in a niche 
of the coast hills two hours west of Mudania. It is backed 
by a fertile valley planted with vines', olive, and mulberry 
trees. There is no port, but steamers occasionally call on their 
way to Mudania: the new chaussie from Mudania to Mihallitch 
turns inland after passing through the village. 

Triglia is mainly remarkable for the number of its monastic 
foundations dating from the eighth and ninth centuries A.D.^ 
Most of these are decayed and none are tenanted by more than 
one monk. Some of them however preserve some relics of their 

^ Tomaschek, p. 13, says "Gewiss bestand schon in antiker Zdt an dieser SteOe 
eine nach der Seebarbe benannte Station, mit einem Heiligthum der Hekate." The 
name may be derived, as he suggests, from rp<7Xif, a mullet : the fish was, according 
to Athenaeus (vii. 115, cf. Anth. Pal, vi. 105), sacred to Hekate, but this is hardly 
sufficient evidence for a temple of hers in the district. The place is first mentioned 
in Cantac. I. 110, 135 and in the Porialani. 

' Estimated at 1,000 houses, of which only 95 are Turicish. The Turks of Triglia 
and Syki are bilingual. 

* The wine of Triglia is mentioned in the accounts of the Genoese at Pera (1390), 
Aiti Soe, Ligure XIII. 153, alum and wine as exports of the place by Pegolotti. 

* Much of my information on the monasteries of Triglia is derived from Evange- 
lides* account in Zi#r^p xii. 188^ I have mysielf visited the churches of Pantobasilissa, 
S. Stephen, the Holy Fathers and Pelecete at Triglia and S. Michael at Syke. 


ancient magnificence. On account of these foundations the 
village belongs, or belonged, not to the diocese of Brusa but to 
the patriarchate \ 

The parish church of Pantobasilissa holds its panegyris on 
August 15, and is specially famed for its cures of cripples: 
patients incubate three days fasting. The church measures 
about 20'00 X 9'00 m. and consists of a nave and aisles, five 
columns a side, but the three western bays have been restored 
since the earthquake of 1855. The columns are of marble and 
granite, and the caps, though Byzantine, are older than the 
church, some being ignorant ly reversed to form bases. The 
panel of opns sectiU pavement mentioned by Covel still remains. 
The original church was of the cross-in-square type, with three 
apses and a nave extending two bays west of the dome. The 
exterior has some fair decorative tile work: the south wall is 
buttressed by arches spanning the adjacent street The church 
is identified by Evangelides with the Moi^i? r^v Tp*7X€/a9 of 
which S. Stephen o 0^(0X071^^9 was tfiovyu^vo^ in the time of 
Leo Armenus: the building does not seem earlier than the 
12th century. 

Much more remarkable is the church (now a mosque) called 
by Evangelides No^^ rov a^lov ^rt^opov* and identified with the 
Mom) Tov XffvoXdKtcov, The monastery rov KffvoXoKMov ir\^<rio» 
MvpXtia^ was founded about 720-30 by S. (iato^) Stephen, 
a monk of Palestine*: a second S. (&/i09) Stephen (under Leo 
the Armenian, 813 — 820) was abbot of Triglia\ Evangelides 
quotes no record to back the identification and the name Xi^vo- 

' Cf. Sathas, Mc^aiiivru^ BtfiXio&^ HI. 587 (sigillioo of 165 a) Utpi rOw x^^ 
T^XIat <rcU *BXf7/u3r &n vravpo/r^id ttei nl odxt ^OKtlfuifa r^ II/Miii^i|t : the text is 
given by Evmngelides, p. 183. The bishop of Bnisa, however, takes the title of 
VrAlat in 1658 (Evangelides. loc. a/.), but the freedom of the nxmastehes of Pelecete 
lod Medtcioo is vindicated by later ligillia, Sathas, op, est. 594 (1658), 601 (1675) 
respectively: that of Pelecete again in a sigillion of 1788 (Scvo^^rirff, 1. 333). 

* Kleooymos has rv* ^^yiart rov aTfov Zre^dvov: I was told the dedication was to 
the Evai^eltitf ia. 

' Gedeon, Bv^amrdi^ 'BoproXdvior, Jan. 11 ; cf. Al0oi col Ktpdfua, p. 37. 
The monastery wG XipaXdMov is also mentioned in the Fi/a S. Mtthodii (Mi|*ne), 
Pmr. Grmee. c IS47, and in the VUa MUkaidU F^Ueclogi (XPHCTIAHCKOE 
HTEHIE, 1885, p. 547). John and Thomas of Xip^Xaxroi were present at the 
Mcond conndl of Nicaea. Its iyicnhna, was the 14 Jan. (Bvf. *B«^t»X.). 

^ A€M SS, etc. Mar. 96. A foiot Md^at TpvyXiPot is commemorated on Nov. 14. 

c ^ 


XaxKov seems inappropriate to the site of the church, which is on 
a hillside. The present nnosque is certainly associated with a 
S. Stephen, and is the largest, and probably the earliest, church 
in the neighbourhood : it may therefore be the original Movtj t^v 
TptyXta? rather than the Movrf rov \ffvo\dseKov. 

Of the history of the building nothing is known save that it 
was converted into a mosque in i66i^ and damaged by the 
earthquake of 1855. The present mosque is a large and once 
beautiful church measuring 28*00 or (with the forecourt and 
colonnade) 36*00 x 14*00 metres: the plan is of the "cross-in- 
square" type, with three apses (the central rectilinear, the 
southern destroyed), and a large central dome, resting on four 
massive marble monolithic columns, and decorated externally 
with eight simple blind arcades in the circular drum. Triple 
arcades, which gave access to side chapels (now destroyed^ still 
remain built up in the north and south walls'. Two string- 
courses ran round the building at the levels of the caps of these 
arcades and of the spring of the major arches. The capitals of 
the four great columns (which enclose a square of about five 
metres a side) are all of one type — a cushion-shape with deeply- 
pierced leaf patterns and elaborate adaci ; those of the transept 
arcade are of similar form but less shapely, and adorned with 
decorative carving in a delicate low relief The western end of 
the church is prefaced by a simple narthex, which had originally 
three doors into the church; two are now blocked. The external 
doorway is a plain round arch of tile. The narthex opens on to 
a narrow court, on the further side of which is a colonnade of 
four (originally five ?) columns, one anta being in situ^ with caps 
of the .same type as the inner four, though less delicately 

In the valley, about a quarter of an hour above the village, 
stands the monastery of the Holy Fathers {r^^v aymv iraripmv) 
or Tov MvySiiciov* founded by Nicephorus^ who became patriarch 

' A. H. 1039. ^^' ^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^y Evangelides on the mimbtr (B(oi 'AytMr, 
85 : in Scor^p it is given erroneously as 161 5). 

* In the soffit of the sonthem are remains of mosaic. 

' Miiducfov, 'Ayov ZfpTlov roC Mif^iwrof (Acta Nicetae), r\ai¥ iyliatf vaWpMr. See 
Sathas, Utw. BipK, ni. 601 (1674), v. 963 s Mich. Pselli ep. 39, cf. 77. The history 
of the monastery is discussed by Hergte. 

* Aeia SS. May 4. Hergis proposes 780 at a likely date for the foundation. 

V] TRIG LI A 6 1 

in 8o6» and was succeeded by Nicetas^: under him the monastery 
was inhabited by a hundred monks. 

The monastery is a large and poor building, burnt in 1770 
and again in 1801. It was rebuilt with the court surrounding it 
at the beginning of the 19th century: over the gate is: — 1801 
Kara pLtfva Matop tivt/ceviadrf iK ffdOpov \ 17 irapovaa Mmv^ rou 
MffSueiov. The church consists of nave and north aisle divided 
by plain built arcades: the apse retains its semicircular seats, 
and a south chapel has remains of a tessellated marble {opus 
sectile) pavement. The staff of the monastery, which had 
25 monks in 1676*, is reduced to an abbot, but it still pos- 
sesses a good deal of land. 

A third ancient and decayed foundation is the monastery of 
S. John the Divine' called rrj^ HeKefcnrfj^^ \ it is beautifully 
situated on the wooded undercliflf close down by the shore about 
two miles west of Triglia. The monastery was founded in 
709 A.D., and burnt in 766 under Constantine Copronymus* 
when there were 38 monks. Hegoumeni were : — Theosterictus 
766, Hilarion junior (of Cappadocia) 787, Macarius 805 — 820* 
and Sabbas. The monastery is now badly off and tenanted 
only by one priest and his family. The church was restored 
after 1855, but burnt in 1880: it is only interesting for the 
ancient detail built into it — fragments of a marble pavement, 
a Byzantine cornice and some old capitals. Covel shews it as a 
domed church with four columns and triple apse: the central 
apse had semicircular seats. In his day there were twenty 
monks, and the monastery was aravpam^iaicop^ : it was given in 
1880 to the Hiera Schole in Chalce, now removed to Xyloporta. 
A rock-hewn hermit's cell near the church perhaps explains the 
name IlcXe/virn;. 

^ MOm SS. Apr. ^ Cf. Theod. Stndit. 1317 (Migne). 

* Covel. 

* Not the Baptist u Kleonymos; cf. Sathas, M<v. B4^ nt. 594. 

« Tktodori Stud, Ep. IL 146. Acta SS. and Bv>ynrir 'Bo^oX^or, Symaxarm etc 
Mar. 17 (Theoaterictiis), Mar. 98 (Hilarion), Apr. i (Macarius), Anai. BoU. xvi. (1897), 
140 tqq. {Acta S, Macttru). 

^ Mtgne, Pair, Ck c. 116$ (yita 5. Ste^kmrnjumicris), 

* Macarius was banished to Aphysia, where M- p a m gy ris is celebrated in his honour, 
Apr. I. 

' Cr. Sathas, M<v. Bi^ in. 594 (1658). 

r , 


Behind the village of Triglia on a wooded hill stands the 
recently restored monastery of the Saviour called rov BaOitof; 
'FuuKo^K Its foundation is attributed by the Byzantine hagio- 
graphers to S. Basil*: he was succeeded as abbot by (i) Peter, 
called o evXafirj^f of Cappadocia^ (2) Lucas of Lycaonia^ and 
(3) Ignatius of Cappadocia^: the latter lived under Nicephorus 
Phocas and Zimisces (963 — 975). 

Ignatius in his turn founded the monasteries of S. Elias 
Thesbites^, the Holy Apostles', and the Taxiarch Michael. The 
two former, which were adjacent foundations for monks and 
nuns respectively, have disappeared, but the name tiafiff (for 
SeafiiTTf^;), applied to a spot on the shore between Triglia and 
Mudania, marks the site. 

Evangelides identifies the third with the church of S. Michael 
at Syke, but the date in the church, if correct, is prohibitive. 

The church of S. Michael at Syke^ still exists : the village is 
about half way between Triglia and Mudania and has a mixed 
population. The church has been much restored and added to 
at various dates. It is entered through an irregular quadrangular 
exonarthex opening south which dates from 181 8. At the end 
facing the entrance is a grated door which gives access to a 
chamber where violent lunatic patients are confined. In this 
narthex is a new picture of S. Michael. The old narthex, which 
opens west but not in the axis of the church, is square and 
domed, the dome being supported by four arches borne on en- 

' Mentioned by Cedr. IX. 510B. Cf. Bv^awriwbp '^opTo\6yiow Jan. 13. T& 
-^yKolPM rift Mor^ rov wpo^ifroO *HXIov r^ KaKov/ihnit roQ B.P. T& iyxtUpia to6 
vpo^ffToO 'HXiov rj|t Aior^ rov Bd^ewt 'Pikiicof. These prol>ably refer to a chapel of 
S. Elias or possibly to the daughter monastery mentioned below. 

' July I. BoffiKgtov roG 6alw roD ffvmfffdtUnv rifp /un^ toO Ba$4m *Pikiirot 
(Bl;^ *BoproX.). 

' Sept. 7 in the Sjmaxarwm ConipoHtanum .U^/iii roO hvl^v Udrpw). 

* Sept 17 {Aaa SS,, Bv^- 'BoproX. etc). 

' Sept. 17. The order is given from tht .SynaxarwH of Sirmond quoted in Ana/, 
BolL XIV. 415, where is also mentioned (Oct. 31) /u^MV Tpd 69I0V *laKiipov olKOp6fioo 
Tijt /ior^t roC Surr^pof Xpc^rov roC 9a^^«n 'P^cucof. 

* Ocoimff in Bvf. *BoproX. Sept. 97. Some church of S. Elias had however 
existed a century before (cf. Aeta S. Miuarii in Anai. BoU. xvi. 15a). 

' Anai, BolL XIV. p. 415 'Er rwi wpoa^rtl^ ^69 ru^ rwr dyl^p *Awoirr6\mp. 
' The correct name is Zv«^, but the word has an obscene significance in Turkish 
and Zvyii is the form in use. 

V] SYKE 63 

gaged columns : on its northern wall are the miraculous pictures 
of SS. Michael and Gabriel. This inner narthex opens into the 
main body of the church, which is square, unencumbered with 
columns and covered by the great dome. There are iraptK- 
xXiicuM. north and south on the upper floor, dedicated to SS. 
Charalambos (N.) and Nicholas (S.). The northern opens on 
the church by a triple arch supported on columns. 

The church was built in 780. restored in 1448, and again in 
1818, on the faith of the following inscription* which is built into 
the south wall of the narthex : — 

+ OUT09 o Oeio^ vao^ r&v TrafAficyiaTcav ra^idfy)^' \ 
»v dveyipdff to trpoirov iwi rr}^ fiaaiKeia^ Kenv- | 
aravrivov rov Uop^f^vpoyetfVijTov* xard ro i- \ 
irraKoaiooTOv oyBofffCo<rr6v erof, av€Kaivi<rd^ \ 
17 ti hrX rrj^ fiaaCKeLa^ Kmvtrravrivov rod Ua- \ 
XaioXiyov xard ri y^iKioo'Tdv TtrpaKoa^oarov re- | 
fraapoKO^rrip SySoov troK, rj^ ^^ apoiKO- \ 
BofLi^dff iirif (sic) rij^ tcparaia^ fiatriXela^ rov /c- | 
paraiordrov teal €V<Tir\cvyKViKwraTov Ava" \ 
KTo^ ^ovKrdv Maj^fioirr rov ff £ia irp* \ 
ocKWTfTOV Xariov tearu ro ;^iXioo'r3i/ o/ctcmpo* | 
ciooTOv Sixarop oyBoop jfro9 dp^itpor \ 
TevovTCK rov iropiep^rdrov fJiffrpoiroXlrov \ 
ayiov Upownf^ Kvplov Tlapapirov Bid \ 
avpSpopiff^ TflSy evaefidip \ 

The picture of S. Michael has a great reputation for curing 
the insane and the panegyris (Sept 6) is much frequented. 
Incubation is practised, forty days (fasting) being the regular 
term. A leather suit (the ex voto of a grateful patient) hangs in 
the church and is said to be worn by the saint when he appears 
to suflfercrsl 

' It is said to be based on an older inscription now lost, 

' The local traditioo as to the foundation of the monastery is that some children 
of Constant ine, then at Brusa, lost their way and were set right by nionks at Syke : 
Cottstantine bailt the monastery out of gratitude. 

' MacFarlane ti. 87 gives the following interesting accoant of this chorch: 

The church, built by a Greek emperor towards the end of the eighth century, is 
a solid, massive, stone edifice. It is a place of pilgrimage and general resorf ; it is 


Of Other churches in the neighbourhood of Triglia, Evan- 
gelides mentions: 

(i) S. Spyridon, half an hour from Triglia, where rags and 
cocks' heads are offered, especially by the deaf. 

(2) S. George KvTrapta-a-iwTrf^, three-quarters of an hour 
out, where is held the feast of Athenogenes, martyred under 
Diocletian'; the monastery is alluded to in the local couplet: 

"Vrd Movvroweia Vat Va SevSpl /caX 'cm; Stry^ fiia /3piJ<nf\ 
Vt^ TpiyXia r^v i^aKOvartf elvai Va Ktrrrapiaai,** 

(3) S. Paraskeve, newly restored, inhabited by a fortune- 
telling hermit ; panegyris, July 26. 

(4) S. Athanasius, near Medicion (ruined), with panegyris 
Jan. 18. 

Of this saint Hei^es remarks', that "his grave was dis- 
tinguished by a cypress which God made to g^ow out of the 

the scene of an annual festival which lasts several days ; it is more famous all over the 
country even than the church at Lubat. Miracles are performed in it and above all 
it is noted for its miraculous cures of insanity. According to the priests who shewed 
it to us, if you lost your wits your friends had nothing to do but to carry you to the 
church, lay you down on a mattress on the floor before the screen of the altar, and 
there leave you for one or two nights under the care of the saints and priests. A 
square antechamber, through which we passed before entering the body of the church, 
was piled up with mattresses and coverlets from the floor to the ceiling, ready to be 
let out to mad patients. It looked like a bedding-warehouse rather than the porch of 
a temple. .The priest told us that when business was brisk they made a good penny 
by their mattresses and covers, and that the Turks, as well as the Greeks, brought 
their mad people to the church to be cured I This last curious and rather startling 
assertion was confirmed by our guide,... who bad seen more than one Turk, as mad as 
March hares, carried to the miracle-working spot; and he had known others who 
were witless enough to believe that they had recovered their wits by being laid upon 
their backs in the Ghiaour Teke. Perhaps it is owing to this Turkish fisith in the 
miracula hci that the church has been preserved from Mussulman fury during nearly 
eleven hundred years. In a remote part of Asiatic Turkey Bishop Southgate visited 
another church where madness was said to be cured in the same miraculous manner; 
bat in that church the Greeks had chains and iron collars wherewith to secure the 
maniacs, and here there was nothing of the sort. He asked the priest how they 
managed with their obstreperous visitors, he said there was a holiness in the air which 
instantly calmed the mad, and that when they hung out the picture of St Geoige of 
Cappadoda no madman could possibly rave. I heard rather a diflerent story from 
-another quarter. 

* Acta SS. July 17. 

* Presumably the Ayasma mentioned by Covel, which is just east of the village of 

* p. 15- 


heart of Athanasius. This miracle attracted crowds, and many 
who used with faith twigs broken from the tree were cured." 
This is presumably the cypress of Triglia mentioned in the couplet. 

I heard also from the priest of Pelecete of S. Tryphon's 
well, half an hour west of Pelecete, the water of which is con- 
sidered sovereign against rats and worms {irovrtKov^ koI atcw- 
XijKia) if taken and sprinkled on the Saturdays of May. 

Two local traditions mentioned by Evangelides are worth 
noticing: the first refers to a supposed human footprint (11 a- 
TovfLvia Tov "EWi^vo^, inland from Triglia) referred to a giant' 
who, standing with one foot there and the other at Pelecete, bent 
down and drank in Besbicus : the second is the story of S. Elias' 
shipwreck, and the divine command to found a church among 
a people who "knew not the oar.'' The first is remarkable as 
preserving the ancient connection between giants and Besbicus, 
the second a curious parallel to the Odysseus episode, though, 
as Evangelides remarks, singularly inappropriate as applied to 
a church of Elias on the sea : but the tradition may refer to 
the older church of Elias mentioned in the Vita Macariu 

Having spoken of Triglia we are bound to discuss the 

caesarea position of Caesarea Germanice which most autho- 

oermanice. nties place in the immediate neighbourhood : we 

may say at the outset that there are few sites about which the 

available evidence is so conflicting. Our most profitable course 

is obviously to enumerate the passages which concern it 

(i) Pliny (N,H. v. 143) gives it the names Helgae, 
Booscete, and Germanicopolis, placing it inland, ** Dein flu- 
men Gelbes*, et intus Helgas oppidum quae Germanicopolis 
alio nomine Booscete." 

(2) Ptolemy (v. i. 14) enumerates it also among the inland 
cities of Bithynia. 

(3) Dio Chrysostom (Or. 47, p. 546 R.) calls it a neighbour 
city of his native Brusa, much smaller than it, and commends 
its zeal for building. 

(4) HiEROCLES places it in his list between Brusa and 
ApoUonia in the Eparchia Pontices. 

* Fur '£XXips giant cf. Polites, NcacXXiyrur^ Mv#oXo7(a II. $oi sqq. 

* Solocis? (cf. Menecrates ap. Plat Tfustui^ 46). So Toma^ichck n. 

H. «; 


(5) The route of S. QuadratusS who was scourged through 
the cities of Asia under Decius, places Caesarea between 
Apamea (Mudania) and ApoUonia". 

(6) The life of S. Nicetas (c. 824)*, a native of Caesarea, 
mentions a river to the south of the town : the monastery of 
Medicion (Triglia) was on the saint's way towards the sea. 

We turn now to the evidence of 

(7) the coin-types. The series of coins with Kaicrapeia^ 
TepfAapiKTjf; is now attributed with certainty to the Bithynian 
city*, on the evidence of certain pieces reading Kaia-apiav twv 
iv BiOvpia*, and one with the legend Kaiaapeiaf: Tepfiavitcri^^ 
''0\v^fro<:\ and type of a mountain-god. These types are quite 
in harmony with an inland city between Brusa and Apollonia to 
which all our evidence hitherto points. 

But we have further to reckon with later coins with the type 
of a galley' under sail or in harbour' which imply that Caesarea 
was a port. 

The most natural solution, pending positive evidence, is to 
suppose that Caesarea itself lay inland, perhaps at Tachtali*, 
and that it had ^ port at Triglia", whence indeed we have a fair 
number of inscriptions. 

Of the history of this obscure provincial town we know 
nothing: we may surmise that it was founded by Germanicus 
on his eastern tour in A.D. 18, the year after the great earthquake: 

» Acta SS. May 9. 

* The stages given are : Nicaea* Apamea, Caesarea, Apollonia, Rhyndaca. 

> Acta SS, Apr. 5. Another Life published by Evangelides has the following : 
KoiffdfMUU^ rj^ ^ Bi^i/rlfi vdrrcf tffaeiw Cn im-t^fntfUnfir rwp xknaioxfit^wf rdXcciir koI 
o<ore2 dvorerfii^fiiyjip iid r§ t6 ro& woKta/ULTOs dxvpdrarop koI ufptuoif koX dcd t6 toG 
dipot tOxparop koL i\tv94pioP koI t6 «ard xtupodt tQp ifriKaffwiiaw d^wilirarw. 

* The coins run from Augustus to Valerian, and were formerly attributed to 
Germanicia Commagene. I have seen one with KoM-apctot Fcp/torcir^ rp^ *0. in Brusa. 

* Imhoof, Gr. M» p. 73 [597], 115 (Augustus). 

' Imhoof, M. Gr. 439, there attributed to Germanicia Comm. which view is 
corrected in Gr. M, p. 73 [597]. 

' B. M. 7 (Valerianus). ' B. M. a (Sept. Severus). 

* This village was visited by Hamilton, by Munro, and by myself. There is a 
castle and inscriptions* amongst them one of a bishop John (cf. the list of Caesarean 
bishops). The village is in a healthy position and overlooks an extensive plain. 

** Cf. Kleonymos, p. 43 (at Triglia) ^i&j^Bntu vapaXiwt roXXd ipttwia irrbt tQp 
OaXaa^tmf Mrttp : a port at Triglia must needs be a built port. 


a coin with FepfiaviKdi; ktiot^ is known*. The coin-types, con- 
sidering the small importance of the town, include a great 
variety of divinities, Artemis, Apollo, Aphrodite and religious 
types, caduceus, serpent, etc., which is quite in harmony with the 
religious importance of the modem Triglia and its immediate 

' Ann, de Num, 1881, 106. Cf. C,LL» III. 334 (Mudania). 







ri ^ 





\ ^ 





Fig. z. Plan of Aboulliond [Lbbas]. 

ApOLLONIA on the Rhyndacus preserves its ancient name' and 
Apoiionia curious sjtc towards the north-westem extremity 
"h*"" °^ ^^^ ^^^^ °^ AbouUiond : the town has a popula- 

tion or 500 Greek and 1 30 Turkish families, chiefly 
engaged in fishing and the production of silk. It is situated on 
a long tongue of rock running far into the lake from the northern 
shore : this tongue narrows at two points to a width of no more 
than a few yards. Its extreme end is a low hill, nearly circular 
in shape, and entirely cut off from the mainland when the lake is 
high. On it is situated the greater part of modem ApoUonia, 
* Aboulliond, Apollooiada. Th« lalter Dtme U nsn&l in the Byiantine his- 


a dirty town with steep, narrow, and tortuous streets, and tall, 
projecting timber-framed houses. The buildings on the shore of 
the lake are almost all built on the solid foundation of the 
ancient wall and towers, which alone could justify their dan- 
gerously ambitious height of four and five stories. The walls 
can be traced right round the island, and in some places stand to a 

Aboulliond: towkr callid "Kastro" and hill of S. George. 

considerable height*. They seem to date chiefly from the late 
Roman period, and are roughly built of squared stones, derived 
in many cases from earlier buildings. Their most striking 
feature is undoubtedly the square tower, called "Kastro," standing 
free to the left of the footbridge, into which are built the inscribed 
epistyle blocks of a stoa presented to the town by Hadrian'. 

' See Lebu-Reinich. /tin. pit. 48, 49 '<" illuiitaiiom of the walli. 
* Imer. vi. 11 (Lt Bai, Imer. lofiH) AiJro«paTii>/i V,a.]ls<if T(Mi1«>4i 'Ai^.]"'*' A" 
[fMyrM Bhk [Tpaivai vi]bt, «(ou i!i[po>-> oduKtt r<)> trait }\ ri w6\u n\'tfti{-vm. 
i\ng of one block is shewn in Leb«>Reinach't i't-yagt Afih'f!''Siifiit. 


Just beyond it a recent fire has disclosed a postern gate and the 
coping of a quay ^ 

Access to the town is gained by an entrance-tower of Byzan- 
tine date, oblong in plan, and originally barrel-vaulted and 
furnished with a gateway at either end. Inside of this two 
blocks projecting from the wall on either side of the street seem 
to mark the site of the inner gate of the Roman wall. Hamilton 
saw and sketched another gateway in the south-western tower, 
presumably that shewn in Lebas' plate. 

Inside the walls Lebas placed the site of a temple of Apollo. 
Though the assumption may be correct, the evidence he adduces 
is too fanciful to give the theory any support". 

The second division of the peninsula is the rocky hill of 
S. George, irregularly oval in shape and of slight elevation : it 
contains or contained remains of a rock-cut theatre and stadium'. 
The dark spires of the well-grown cypresses which crown its 
summit contrast prettily with the red tiles of the irregular line 
of houses which straggles along the road out of the town ; while 
the view from S. George back to the piled-up town on the 
island, with its lichened roofs and white minaret, all backed by 
the hills on the further shore of the lake, goes far to make one 
forget the surpassing filthiness of the town itself. 

The isthmus joining S. George with the mainland is defended 
by a Byzantine wall^ of which considerable remains are still 
standing; in Hamilton's day it was still faced with marble. 

' Hamilton ii. 89 mentions substructions of terraces or of a cella of a temple 
west of the bridge. 

* Reinach, yioy. Arch. p. 89 " Dans la ville actuelle plusteurs preuves subsistent 
de I'existence d'un temple d'ApoUon. Ainsi, dans la tour d'un maison Grecque...on 
voit un fragment de sculpture qui represente la t£te d'Apollon radi6e au-dessus d'un 
iyKa(nr»,...To\xi pr^ de li on voit encore le conduit souterrain auquel fait allusion 
rinscription rapport^ par Sestini [Inscr. vi. 35], et pr^ de li par consequent doit se 
trouver la place dont cette m^me inscription fait mention, place qui tris-probablement 
^tait situ^e en avant du temple." 

> Reinach, p. 39 "On voit encore... Femplacement d'un th^itre indiqu^ par 
quelques gradins et par la disposition semi-circulaire du sol : un stade dont il reste 
une grande partie de rh^micycle oriental, plusieurs assises encore en place qui doivent 
avoir appartenu k I'enceinte primitive, etc." 

^ Cf. Anna Comnena vi. 13 top i^tader toO Korrpou m/icXov xariffx^t and Theoph. 
I. 720 B. Local tradition holds that S. George was entirely occupied by houses before 
the Turkish wars. 


Beyond the isthmus cultivation — chiefly mulberry orchards — 
begins: in this quarter Hamilton saw substructures of ancient 
tombs. North of this point, at a slight distance from the shore, 
is the low island called Kuz Ada', still preserving in part the 
massive quay walls of a Hellenistic temenos. By these walls 
the island has been formed into a rectangle some 70x45 metres, 
with a hemicycle and steps let in to the western end (facing the 
town): the supporting wall stood originally about two metres 
above low-water level, and was provided with three sets, at 
different heights, of pierced corbels for the mooring of boats. 
Within the wall Lebas found traces of substructures, two frag- 
ments of Ionic columns, and one of entablature from which 
(apparently) he restores* a hexastyle temple within a colonnade 
and surrounded by exedrae. If this was the site of the temple of 
the great Apollo it should be remarked that the building is shewn 
on coins as tetrastyle. The fragments are said by Lebas to 
come from a building not later than the third century B.C., 
which is not out of accord with the Sauroktonos type of cultus 
image shewn in the temple. 

Strabo's reference to the possessions of Cyzicus in the Odryses 
country includes a vague mention of Apollonia, but the evidence 
of an early and continuous autonomous coinage makes it im- 
probable that Cyzicus exercised more than a nominal hegemony*. 
The first literary mention of the town is no earlier than the first 
century B.C, in connection with Lucullus' capture of Mithra- 
dates' convoy on the Rhyndacus*. Pliny mentions that it 
belonged to the conventus of Adramyttium and so to the 
province of Asia, in spite of its position beyond the Rhyndacus. 
as also Stephanus reckons it to Mysia, not Bithynia. It used 
the Sullan era as appears from an inscription of Domitian*. 

' So HAmilton. Also Vasili Chori according to Lebas : I did not hear this 

* ^oyqgK Arckeohgiqui^ Architecture, pi. ii. 

' Radet*s suggestion that Apollonia was a Pergamene foundation is disproved by 
the earliest coins and rests at best on the mistake of Suidas, s.v. 'AvoXXMniat . 

^ Plttt. LuatIL II. It is called in the authors Apollonia — HrV^vMxt^, Strabo 575, , 
Sleph. Bjz., a Rhyndaco, Plin. v. 33, vpit'Pi/riairor, Ptolemy v. 3, CJ.G. 3981 and 

* InscT. in. 3. 



The imperial coinage begins with the latter emperor and ends 
with Gallienus : no magistrates' names occur on coins (owing to 
the length of the town name, which occupies all the available 
space) but Inscr. ill. 2 shews that the town was governed by 
a body of archons or strategi and mentions also an imperial 

We gather from coin types, which represent Apollo in a 
variety of poses, that the chief cultus image was of the Sauro- 
ktonos type, this being often represented within a templet The 
god is frequently associated with Artemis, to whom is probably 
to be attributed an interesting votive inscription* (iv, 45) re- 
cording a dedication of "ears" evidently to a healing goddess. 
The usual triad is completed by Zeus Hypsistus who is known 
at Apollonia from Inscrr. IV. 7, IV. 13. 

Apollonia became under the Byzantine empire a bishopric* 
of Pontus with the name of Theotokiana* : an underground 
church of the Panagia Pantocratissa is still one of the curiosities 
of the town, but the chief church is that of S. George. The 
natural defences of the town fitted it, as we have seen, for a 
Byzantine rallying-place. Villehardouin' calls it ("Le Pulinach") 
"un des plus forts et meilleurs chastiaux on peut querre, situ^ 
sur un lac de I'eau douce." The date of its final capture is not 
known, but may be placed in the early years of the 14th century. 

A small ruin at Karagatch* on a promontory a few miles 

Meto a y^cst of Apollonia may represent the "castnim 

Apolloniadis lacui vicinum, cognomenti 'Metopa'"' 

^ B.M. Cat. 16, 97, 39, 30. A stele built into the wall of a house on the hill of 
S. George shews the god as Citharoedus. 

* It is tempting to connect the hill of S. George the dragon-slayer with the shrine 
of ApoUo Pythoctonns and the shrine of Kuz Ada (*' Maiden Island") with a temple 
where Artemis was the presiding goddess. Dallaway saw architectural details and 
foundations on the hill of S. George (p. 183). 

' Lequien I. 6x3. It is now in the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Nicomedia, 
together with the surrounding villages, and the seat of the bishop's representative. 

* Lequien, ad loc, cit. vi., vii. • 170. 

' Karagatch and Goulios are in reality identical though Kiepert marks them 
separately. Perrot could not find " Ullio" {Gala/is, p. 91). 

' M^wiror was the name of a promontory opposite Byzantium. See P. Gyllius quot- 
ing Dionysius (frg. 17) "Nomen invenit a figura : nam ex continentis parte planum est 
.. .ex parte maris declivis et praeceps.'* Cf. also Kplov fiirtaww in Crete and elsewhere. 


in Acta SS. Feb. 4, p. 548*. Perrot found ancient remains 
there*, and Fontanier "restes de fortifications d'un genre 
severe*." Kiepert, however, places Metopa on the south shore, 
where the passage between the hills and the lake is easily 

The islands of the lake were in former times occupied by 
monasteries of Constantine, Paraskev^, and Daniel. In one 
of these the patriarch Arsenius was educated*. Gerlach* 
mentions that in his time there were six or seven monks at 
S. Constantine and a metropolitan at Apollonia. 

* The Vita Tfuodori Studiteu LXXX. (Migne) has r^ difTir€pap rrfs Xlfi^iit Koarpt^ 
h HirknrcL iraXecrai. 

* Sottvmir^ p. 86. ' p. 99. 

* Cf. Munro, p. 155. 

* Acrop. ch. liii. 113 B., Niceph. Greg. i. 55, Ephr. 8948. 1039 (fiaBt iw rj Xifu^jj^ 
and the 'Arwri/^ot Zf^o^ir XpoviiHy, P* 5 " ^'^ '''^^^ ^<*^ xarii rifp 'AtroXXMrui5a Xl/iwrfp 
rifriMw. Georgios Limniotes (Bv^. 'Eo^oX^^cor Aug. 14), a monk of Olympus, was 
probably from ApoUoniatis, though Ramsay claims him for Pisidia {B,S,A, IX. 353). 

* p. 157. Cf. Kleonymos, p. 39 'Err6t W rifi X/firiyt fff/n^rrai riftrldpia rpia, i^ tap 
ri fUyirrom iraXfrrai r^ Kad^rat, t6 9k dXXo rd rov' AyiovKvpffrairriMoVt fp$a koI fa^ 
[for 4KK\iiffla] dpxoSot tifptffKtroA, rb Bi Irepor Ki^ KovX^, Ix^ ^po^pcor koi r^or. 



There have been hitherto two claimants for the site of 

Miietupoiis. Miletupolis, Mihallitch and Melde near Kermasti. 

(MiXirroi^oXit, The former has been accepted till recently with 

UeiKriroO' some Confidence, even by Kiepert, while the latter 

has recently produced evidence which seems in- 
contestable. Mihallitch is a large straggling town situated on 
a low hill sloping gradually down to the plain except on the 
abrupt western side, at the junction of the Tarsius, Macestus, 
and Rhyndacus, and about four miles from the bridge over the 
latter at Ulubad. The site is well adapted for a town, and it is 
difficult to believe that there was no ancient settlement on the 
site ; it is also near Lopadium, with which Miletopolis is asso- 
ciated on the ecclesiastical lists, and many inscriptions, including 
one with the name of Miletopolis*, have been discovered there. 
The two objections were the absence of any ruins on the site 
and the distance from the lake of Manyas, which is generally 
considered the ancient Miletopolitis. 

The alternative site Melde, which was identified by local 
tradition with Miletopolis apparently so early as Sestini', and 
preserves traces of the name, lies on the low hills south of the 
plain of Mihallitch, some ten miles south of that town, two 
miles west of the Rhyndacus, and three from the market town 
Kermasti (Thursdays) and Kaza of Kermasti*. The latter, 
we may remark in passing, is extremely pictu- 
resquely situated on both banks of the Rhyndacus, here crossed 

* Inscr. VI. 7. 

* Lett. vin. "Melet," wrongly stated to be on the Lake Majas (Manyas). Monro 
now places Miletupolis certainly at Melde. J.H.S. xxi. 337. Cf. xvii. 174. 

* Cuinet gives the population as 1685 M., 1 148 G., 887 A., 80 J. 


by a wooden bridge. On the right bank are remains of a castle 
and a mosque which is said to have been a church: it still 
retains much elegant stone detail, and bears the name of Lala 

Fic 4. Kermastz: Grille in Tukbeh or Lala Shakim. 

Sbahineh*. The identification of Kermastt with Hiera Germe 
rests merely on the name (which Kiepert interprets with much 
more probability as Cremaste), and does not agree with Ptolemy*. 

■ See Scmmui'i Ortkan, p. in, 111. "Lala Shahin tnlor of On:lwn...bailt in 
KcmuitT a bridge aod a dervishes' conTent." (Cf. BnUntli 81, Lennclavios, p. iB, 
taAlii.Smg. 1 30, Cbalcon. (Z<ib^) 36, and Von Haauner 1. 113.) 

* Sec note* 00 Hieia Genne. Some aulhort call the place Kirmaili (Red-place), 
aTaikidi pefienkm limilar (o Sivasli ( = Sebasle) in fonnalion. 


I find no mention of it earlier than Seaddin's account of the 
conquest of Karassi^ 

At Melde there are few ruins above ground, but an illicit 

Meide excavation, opposite the fifth kilometre stone from 

Kermasti on the Mihallitch road, has lately brought 
to light massive marble architrave blocks and other detail. 
Kermasti is always full of coins of Miletupolis, which are rarely 
seen at Mihallitch. The identification is further supported by 
the evidence of the bridge at Sultan-Chair, which is the link 
between Miletupolis and Hadrianutherae on the Cius-Pergamon 

The topographical evidence of the authors is slight. Stepha- 
nus places the town between Cyzicus and Bithynia, by the 
Rhyndacus, while he speaks vaguely of Aphneion, probably 
through the confusion about the lakes, as near Cyzicus or 
Miletupolis*. Pliny* mentions Miletopolitae in his account of 
Mysia and speaks of the lake Artynia (= Apolloniatis) as near 
it^ I am inclined to believe that the lakes of Miletupolis and 
Apollonia — it fell between the territories of both cities — were 
identical, which accounts for the great confusion and does away 
with the remoteness of Miletupolis from its lake. Apollonia is 
evidently the lake referred to as near Miletupolis (17 irKrjaiov 
Xiifivff (sic)) in the Vita S. Parthenii*. The connection of 
Miletupolis and Lopadium in the ecclesiastical lists suits Melde 
as well as Mihallitch. 

Sources for the early history of Miletupolis are almost 
non-existent. Its foundation was attributed to an eponym 
Miletus*, and the autonomous coins, which date from the fourth 
century, are of Athenian types', though the town is not men- 
tioned in the Delian confederation accounts. This founder 
Miletus is evidently the son of Melas, who fled from Sadyattes 
to Dascylium and Proconnesus*, though he is probably of much 

^ Ed. Bratutti. 

* Cf. also T. Reinach, Mithr. Eupator^ p. loo. 

• N.H, V. 113. * 1^. 14a. » 7th Feb., p. 38. 

' The spelling of the town's name varies between MeiXifroihroXif and MeXtro^- 
voXif. The hero is called MciAhtoc on coins (Num. Chron. 1906). The earliest 
coin appears to be one published in N.C, 1^4* 999. 

^ Cf. 'Amffoy aXtuL. in an inscription (v. 56). * Nic. Damasc. fr. 63. 

VIl] MELDE ^^ 

earlier origin, and essentially identical with the mythical eponym 
of Miletus'. 

Demetrius of Scepsis' says that the inhabitants of Miletu- 
polis were deported by "the Kings" (i.e. Antigonus or Lysi- 
machus?) to their foundation of Gargara, so that the hitter had 
become half barbarous ; there must, therefore, in spite of the 
boasted Athenian descent, have been a large native population. 

The trade of the great road down the Macestus probably 
passed mainly direct to Cyzicus in Greek times ; under the 
improved communications of the Roman empire, however, 
Miletupolis waxed in importance and issued a large series of 
coins from Vespasian to Philip II.: the types include Athena, 
Artemis, Hermes, and Caduceus. The inscription of a Mileto- 
politan athlete who dedicated a statue at Cyzicus to his KvpLa 
irdrpi^* may suggest that the town was largely under the 
influence of Cyzicus, which indeed we should expect from 
Strabo's account of her territory. 

The Byzantine bishopric of Miletupolis is represented as 
existing as early as Constantine by the Acta S. Parthenii\ 
Later Notitiae' connect it with Lopadium, and Miletupolis was, 
according to local tradition, destroyed by an earthquake "before 
the Turkish wars*." 

^ He is said to have been a grandson of Minos by Sch. Ap. Rh. i. 185, and was 
generally thoaght to be of Cretan origin. Another example of the mythic hero god 
with a Lydian counterpart is to be found in Attis and Atys (Go/Uen Bough 11. 135). 
Considering the very various spelling of the name we may perhaps connect it with 
the name of the river worshipped at Smyrna, and possibly with Meles, king of Sardis 
(Hdt. 1. 84). Melas, the name of Miletus* father, is also a common river name; the con- 
nection is curiously paralleled by the river name Lycus in Pontus : Lycus was said to be 
a son of Dascylus (the son of the Lydian Tantalus) and a nymph, daughter of the river 
Lycus (Sch. A p. Rh. i(. 751 ; cf. 714: the pedigree of Rhesus is similar : cf. the le^^nd of 
Aeneas and Numicius). The type is that of an armoured warrior with spear and round 
concave shield stepping from a prow ; it occurs on coins of several other Asiatic towns. 

* Ap. Str. 611. Orosius mentions the town in connection with the Mithradatic 
war, VI. 9, 10. 

* Inscr. III. 51. ♦ 7 Feb., p. 37. 

* No. X. Cf. also unpublished Notitia quoted in Ramsay's Geography 160. The 
conjunction occurs as late as 1315 {Act* Patr. Const, f. 3). 

* P. Gyllius (de Top. Const, I.) mentions '*Miletopolis juxta Rhyndacum quam 
eqmHim vidi funditus eversam^ lacut Apoiioniati propinquam^ adkuc n^men rtti- 


Lopadium is first mentioned in a letter of Theodorus 
Studites*, but merely as a stopping place where there was a 
caravanserai ; with this it is interesting to compare a con- 
temporary Byzantine seal of the Xenodochus of Lopadium'. 
An earlier settlement may have existed ; I was told of a terra 
cotta group or relief of "a man, woman, and snake" (Asklepios 
and Hygeia?) found within the walls: the "monastery" of 
S. Michael is still used for incubation. It is possible that the 
early settlement was the 'Apraiov^ Tct;^o9 eVi 'FvvSaKi of CI, A. I. 
37 and Stephanus. 

Of the bridge, a notable strategic point in Byzantine history, 
Lopadium a good many piers are still visible, east of the 
Bndge. present wooden structure and near the north-east 

corner of the fortification; they are built of squared blocks, but 
the ruins are too much damaged for a study in detail. The 
original structure was probably built by Constantine, after the 
choice of the new capital, to connect the Hellespontine province 
with Cius and Nicaea. S. Philetaerus'* journeying from Nicaea 
to Cyzicus (under Maximian) mentions the Rhyndacus but not 
Lopadium, and there was apparently no bridge in 258 A.D. when 
the Scythians were turned back from Cyzicus by the flooded 
river*: Anna Comnena further tells us that the bridge was 
called in her day the bridge of Constantine, from a chapel 
upon it* dedicated to him by Helena. 

The fortified town built by John Comnenus^ who used it as 
the base of his campaigns on the Sangarius, is represented by 

' Lett. I. 3 (c. 796 A.D.) KarcTcU><ra^y iv rt} AovraSU^ ^\o4>p^uts <rvfJLwa$ri$4rT€t 
inro ToO ^evo66xov\ Aovraiiw also in Phrantza II. 7 : the name is also spelt Aovadcor 
(passim), Ao^ior (G. Pachy. Andron. Pal. iv. 236), KvwaJkw (f/otii. XI.). It may 
perhaps be connected with the oyster trade, for which shellfish Cyzicus at least 
was famous. (Plin. xxxil. ii\ cS. Priap, 76 ostreosa.) Cf. Lopadoussa in Libya. 
Str. 834. 

' Schlumberger, SigUlographU Bytaniine^, p. 146, AoinraMov. 

' 'ApTOMt is said to be Persian for ^pcat, cf. Hdt. vii. 61, Hesych. s.v., and Steph. 
Byz. S.V. 'ApTola, A recent trouvaiiU of Persian sigli at Kermasti suggests however 
that the Persian post was on the upper Rhyndacus. 

^ Acia SS, 19 May. * Zosimus i. 35. 

• XIV. ^i* riyt^pq,: cf. VI. 13. 

' Cinn. II. 5 (38 B.), Nic. Chon. 14 B. Cinnamus says that John Comnenus restored 
the fortress {^po6piw aOrt} 4k caunji tpKodo/iiidrf). 


the modern village of Ulubad* situated on the left bank of the 
Rhyndacus just below the lake. It consists of 13 Greek families, 
inside the walls, possessing two humble churches of S. Michael, 
and a large Circassian settlement, mostly outside the walls 
towards the west. The place has evidently decayed steadily, as 
the accounts of succeeding travellers shew : in Gerlach's time 
there were six churches, the chief being of the Panagia*. 

MacFarlane mentions that it was still a great religious centre 
till the coming of the Circassians in 1845 rendered Xhtpanegyris 
of S. Michael (Sept. 6th) insecure for the Greeks. Of the 
present churches (both dedicated to S. Michael) the larger bears 
the inscription : 

^ KvtpKoZo^tjd'q ix fidOpcap 6 XafiirpoT- 

aT09 OVT09 pao^ Tov * KpyuTTparriyov Mi^^aiyX 

cVl TOV iravieptordrov MrfrpoTroXirov Ntxaia^ Kvp 

*la(rrjil> Sawav^ xal i^68^ rwv opOoBo^tov ^pi- 

tmav&v T^9 iroKirela^ Mt;^aXiTftoi;, tov AeiffaSo- 

'XtopLoVf T&v T€ yeiTOPiKciv j^iariapi/eciv 

j((apiap Kol roip ^cptop avpBpofitfTtSp 

€T€* ctoTTfp. 1847 Xcrrrefifipiov, 

In the west wall of the church is built a low relief of the 
saint, said to have been found during the building, and then 
engraved with its present inscription. 

The second church, which stands near the first, is reputed of 
great age and superior sanctity ; around it is a cloister of sheds 
for the accommodation of pilgrims. The building itself is of 
the meanest, but contains a small miracle-working picture of 
great age painted on canvas': it is in this church that incubation 
is practised. At the time of his visit MacFarlane saw two 
children lying before the altar, one in a high fever, the other 
suflering from a damaged kneecap. Lunatics are tied to a 
beam at the west end of the church : the usual period of incu- 

' The name Uiu-abad means great city, a popular etymology of the ancient 
Lfffadtum, A«i^^ox<^ptor in the inscription below is an attempt to derive the word 
from the popular Greek Xfi^d^ior = meadow. 

• P- «57- 

* A second picture, said to be of inferior antiquity* bears the date I553t hut has 
been much repainted. 




bation is 40 — 60 days. A replica of the picture is sent out to 
patients unable to come in person, and is hung over their beds : 
the ayasma in the church is also said to have healing properties, 
but is applied externally only. 

The Byzantine enceinte^ which has decayed very much even 
since Landron's sketchy is a trapezium about 475 x 150 metres, 
protected on its long northern side by the river, and on the east 




Tow cat 

WtLL PllKM«Vf»TOfrt« 

25 rT NiON 


Fig. 5. Sketch Plan of Ulubad. 

by a small tributary : the wall facing the river has almost com- 
pletely disappeared ; the other three are preserved in some 
places to almost their full height ; they are solidly built of 
rubble and tile, about 300 metres thick, and studded with 
towers ; there seem to have been twelve on the long, and six on 
the short sides. 

The best-preserved portion is that adjoining the S.-E. corner. 
Inside the corner itself are two ruined stairways, parallel with 

» /Hn. PI. 44. 


the walls and supported each on an arch and a half-arch, which 
led to the footway along the top of the walls. 

Earlier descriptions of the ruins' are somewhat vague. Spon 
says the towers were round and pentagonal, Egmont three-, 
four-, and live-sided, Prokesch* round, hexagonal and octagonal ; 
one well-preserved round tower projecting considerably more 

Fl& 6. Ulubad: Tower ON THE South Walu 

than its width from the curtain remains', and ruins of se\Tral 
which appear to have been of a narrow pentagonal form. 

Gerlach* saw five gates with crosses and rosettes on the 

' ProkMch 191, Spon 1- 189, Djllawij ij;. 

Egmoni [89. Mouitier't tke<ch 

U, I ihink, nninuivonKr. 

' P- i9»- 

' The foonh. couniine -oiw.rd. fron, Iht «ul 

h-cul comet. 

* 156—7 "Lupil. «i eine itie Sudr. die Mi 

luren iheili nirdrrgevoiHcn. ihfili 

noch EBitt : hu noth b«r ; Thoi daiin *ie iu;h 1 

in Chniienieicheti gf«hcn werden. 

Am entta Thor dabev em H»rcke< Winter dun 

:h e]nc ttcincine tjnicken *ombei 

fldM : hal ei ein inden TemorfTenet Thnr, ober 

welchem ubettwerrh ein Mirniel- 


lintels. The simple gateway at the north-west comer figured 
by Le Bas is almost unrecognisable. 

As a strategic point, commanding the Rhyndacus bridge — 
it could only be avoided by a d/tour round the lake, three days' 
rough march* — Lopadium figures largely in the history of the 
centuries succeeding its construction. Edrisi (1117)* calls it 
"a considerable town with divers buildings and markets situated 
on the banks of a river fitted for great ships and surrounded by 
vineyards, gardens and villages," and again', "a great fortified 
town Lubadhia." Its military importance as the key of the 
western defences of the Hellespontine province was equalled by 
its commercial facilities as the head of the great Macestus valley 
road, and a secure walled town in troubled times. In the second 
crusade Conrad and Louis meet at the *' chateau de Lupar^" and 
proceed up the valley. Villehardouin' calls it "Le Lupaire, une 
des meilliors cit^s de la terre." 

The ecclesiastical importance of Miletupolis passed naturally 
to the fortified town : a bishop of Lopadium is mentioned at the 
time of the town's revolt from Andronicus Comnenus (1184)* 
and the Franks made the place the seat of a Latin bishop during 
their supremacy ^ In the Greek episcopal lists Lopadium is 
used as early as 1256 as the only title', though the earliest 
record of the archbishopric (131 5) includes Miletupolis": later 
Lopadium only is mentioned '^ The archbishopric would seem 

stein eingemauret und ein Creutz dann gehanen. Nahe bey dtesem Thor, an einem 
Thunn der Mauer zwei untenchiedliche Zeichen wie Roien oder andere Kituter an 
der nttchsten Pforten 3 Crentze an der dritten Pforten sitzet eine Fran in einem 

^ Ducas 167 B. 

* In the ReauU tU la Soc. de Giog. n. 305 ; his map is published by Llewel. 
'195 recto, 

^ Odo de Diogilo ed. Guizot xxiv. 346. Cf. the Latin buhopric (Lequien in. 943) 

* Ducange, Par, 170. 

* Nicet. Chon. 363, 374 B. ; but there is reason to believe that the bishop of 
Hadriani is meant, as in some MSS. (see Lambros). 

^ Libarensis, Lequien ni. 943. 

' Act. Pair, Const, I. 119; cf. I. 164 (1331). 

* Ih, I. 3. 

" lb, 1. 144 (1327) ; 1. 147 (1329) ; I. 164 (1331) ; Notit, xi. (1346). The double 


to date from the restored Greek empire. After 1327 the arch- 
bishop of Lopadium has the additional title wpo^Bpo^ FapiXKi)^ 
which, according to Lambros, implies that the bishopric was 
in partibus and perhaps gives a clue to the final conquest by the 

In Turkish history Lopadium or Ulu-abad (great city) 
appears under the first Sultan : according to Seaddin, Othman 
made a compact with the (Karassian ?) governor of Lopadium, 
in return for services rendered, never to cross the bridge — the 
historian natvely adds that " in times of need " the passage 
was made in boats — but on the reduction of Karassi, Orkhan 
destroyed it' and erected a wooden one in its stead. The walls 
of Lopadium were razed in return for the treachery of the 
governor*, and Orkhan built a caravanserai in its place. The 
bridge continued to be an important strategic point Here in 
1403' the generals of Mohammed and Isa, the rival claimants 
for the throne at the death of Bayezid, met for the first time 
and decided the struggle in favour of Mohammed. Here again 
Mohammed L reviewed his troops on his way from Brusa to 
Pergamon^ and Murad in 1421 defeated the pretender Mustafa*; 
and so late as 1607, in the rebellion of Kalenderoghlu*, the 
bridge was garrisoned against the rebels on their way from Brusa^ 
The only recorded Lopadian "worthy" is the gigantic Hassan 
who was conspicuous at the siege of Constantinople*. 

bishopric may be the explanrntion of Leqnien's Rhyndaetnt diocese, but cf. RhundAca 
in Acta SS., Majr 9, and bteph. Bya. s.v. Rhyndacus, both earlier than the Byiantine 

' This is a possible interpretation of the tradition preserved by Prokesch ill. 19s, 
which attributes the destruction of the bridge to Osman. 

' Seaddin 51. 

* Bratutti I. S74, Von Hammer i. 969 — 170. 

* Ducas 85 B., Von Hammer 1. 17 1. 

' Chalc. SS5 B., Ducas 167 B.,Von Hammer I. 315, quoting Bratutti 1 1. 5. Cantemir 
(tr. Ttndal, p. 81) represents Murad on the Adrianople side of the bridge. In answer 
to his prayera Mustafa was seized with a violent bleeding at the nose and taken at 

' Von Hammer fl. 710^ Naima (Or. Trans. Fund 348). 

' The sequel varies in our authors. Von Hammer says that the rebels were 
defeated by Silistrian reinforcements {vid Gallipoli) in the plain of Manyas, Naima 
that the rebels were victorious over those reinforcements at Gunen. 

* Phrantzes. 

6 — 2 




The caravanserai is probably represented by the ruined but 
still imposing Issiz Khan*, half an hour from Ulubad 
on the further side of the Rhyndacus. This build- 
ing is mentioned by many travellers between Ulubad and Brusa, 

Issiz Khan. 

Mf I • ■ 

Fig. 7. Issiz Khan: Sketch Plan. 

and best described by Turner*. Gerlach* (on the evidence of 
the inscription over the doorway) says it was built (or rebuilt ?) 
by Murad II. (1422 — 1450). This may refer to the chambers 
flanking the entrance which are separated by a straight joint 
from the main building. The khan is an oblong building with 
a low gable; it measures about 44 yards by 22, and is solidly 
built of brick and squared stone in regular courses. Two courses 
of stone blocks about 040 m. deep alternate with bands of brick- 
work of a depth of 0*35 m. The quoins are of stone throughout. 
The deeply-recessed entrance, on the south side, is flanked by 
two small chambers ; it opens on a great hall divided by piers 
with plain chamfered capitals into a nave of six bays and slightly 
elevated side aisles. The segmental pier-arches and plain barrel 
vaults are of brick, the central vault being stilted to correspond 

^ Called (i) Hassiz Khan by Sestini 85, {2) Kiz Khan by Hamilton 11. 95, (3) Kirsiz 
Khan by Perrot and Guillaume 176 ''through its being made a receptacle for Rogues," 
Covel, (4) Issiz Khan by Munro, p> 5 1 . 

* HI. 189. 

' P- ^57 "Von Sultan Murat dem II. erbauet wie ober dem Thor auf TUrkisch 
eingehauen stehet." 


with the increased height under the gable ; between the second 
and fourth pairs of piers are open hearths, from which chimneys, 
each supported by four columns, carry off the smoke'. 

Fig. 8. Issiz Khan. 

Between the khan and Ulubad is the Gypsy fountain 
(Tchengen Tcheshme) probably, as Munro suggests*, to be 
identified with the Bpvat^ rof) icapvKtm \eyoftivij of Anna 
Comnena XV. i. 

After the destruction of Lopadium its place was taken by 

HUutiitch Mihallitch, mentioned first by Seaddin in connection 

with the conquest of Karasi. It is represented as 

governed like Kermasti by a Greek prince, a vassal of Orkhan. 

Chalcondyles' mentions the town (Mix«X"c»oi') in his account of 

the severing of the bridge in 1421'. 

■ An illuitration of the inlerioi a pulilUhnI in Sitii. Birl. Aiad., 1S98. 5B4. 

' llj B. The first occuri(nceo/lhc name ii in ■ Fnnkish tarcophagui intcriplion 
■t Pen (rj97. See B.S.A. xi. p. 57). 

* The iMme finds p»rallel) in S)*me<)n Mtyisler's imii toD Mi>:avX<'f4 Sf>^i\. 


Fortification was now not indispensable, and Mihallitch had 
the advantage of a small port, Mihallitch Iskalesi, two hours 
down the Macestus, whence goods were shipped to Constanti- 
nople. The town stood thus between Brusa, Constantinople and 
Smyrna^ Caravans from the latter split at the opening of the 
valley, part going to Brusa, and part to Constantinople*. The 
mediaeval importance of this route is shewn by the massive 
Turkish causeway and ruined bridge over the Macestus just 
north of Mihallitch. 

The place is now inhabited by a large Turkish and Albanian' 
population and about 900 Greek and Armenian families^: it 
covers a large area and is rendered picturesque by its dilapidated 
houses with projecting upper storeys, built of wood with tile 
filling, and frequent cypress-trees and minarets. Several of the 
mosques are old, dating presumably from the prosperous period 
of the town's history when it stood at the head of the Smyrna 
road The place gained an unenviable notoriety in 1 846 owing to 
a massacre of Christian Albanian immigrants : their story is 
given by Mordtmann'. 

Of the mosques the Imaret, a once magnificent building 
ruined by the earthquake of 1855, was built by Karadja Pasha, 
Beylerbey of Rumili, who fell before Belgrade in I4S6': his 
turbeh is in the western bay of the porch. The plan of the 
building is a simplified version of the contemporary Yeshil Jami 
at Brusa, i.e. four domed compartments arranged as a headless 

Mikhaiily near Thyateira {SiiMd, Preuss. Actui,, 1894, p. 900), Mikhayil near Prym- 
nessus (Rams. Phryg. 31), and MixaXcr^ near Nicomedia (Meletius, Bithynia^ § 7). 
There is a village of the same name in Epinis near Prevesa, and it is not improbable 
that the town was settled with slaves by some early pasha (cf. below, p. 154). Seaddin 
derives the name from a Christian prince Michael who held the place in the reign of 
Orkhan, Kermasti being held by his sister Kermastoria, but this is probably merely 

^ Cf. Le Bas, Rhj. Phil, i. 39. * Cf. Von Egmont 189. 

' Mahommedan dependents of Ghalib Pasha : the remnant of the persecuted Chris- 
tian immigrants of 1846 passed on to the Brusa district. 

* Cuinet assesses the population at 600 M., 6781 G., 400 A., but the Mahommedan 
element has probably increased. 

' Ausland 1858, 556 ff.; cf. also MacFarlane. 

* Von Hanmier I. 441, Laon. Chalc. 419 B. Karaja Pasha seems to be confused 
locally with Karaji Achmet, a sheikh of the reign of Orkhan, buried near Akhissar 
(Seaman*s OrcAoftt P* 115; cf. Ramsay in /X, Cottgr, of Orientalists 11. 382). 


Greek cross, with a porch along the long (northern) side. The 
domes and pendentives are of brick, the rest of the building 
of a coarse brownish sandstone. Brick is inserted in the joints 
except in the minaret which is of stone throughout. The north 
porch, which consisted of five domed bays and rested on pillars 
of breccia and marble in alternate blocks\ has almost disap- 
peared. From the central bay an elegant portal in breccia and 
marble* leads directly to the central and southern domes : the 
latter is entirely ruined. Immediately inside the entrance 
passages run east and west, each leading directly to a spiral 
staircase (the western is that of the minaret) and opening south 
to the subsidiary east and west domes. 

The Tumbekli Djami is a small simple building, orientated 
about east-north-east and constructed of stone and tile in courses: 
tile is used for the arches of the windows and for the projecting 
cornices. The building consists of three parts ; (a) the narthex, 
divided from the main body by a colonnade of three arches, the 
central slightly pointed ; (*) the main body, a square roofed by 
a rather high dome resting on an octagonal drum ; (c) a northern 
annexe opening from the narthex, and apparently contemporary 
with the main building, though the roofs are clumsily joined. 

Though both buildings contain ancient fragments, I see no 
reason to believe that either was formerly a church*. 

The present Greek church (S. Demetrius) is a plain structure 
rebuilt in 1805. 

' Mordtmann in ^uslamf 18$$, p. 556, who curiously calls the bailding "einc 
pnichtige Griechische Kirche welche 1457 in eineMoschee verindelt wurde,** possibly 
on the authority of the inscription, but the building is throughout Turkish, though old 
blocks were used. 

* Ulustrated in S6er, Berl. Ak, 1898, 55s, 553. 

* Local tradition attributes this origin to the Tumbeklt, and Mordtmann affirms 
the same of the Imaret (AusUmd^ 1855, 556). 



Hadrianutherae Stood on the road from Cyzicus and 
Hadrianu- MilctupoHs to PergaiHon, about its middle point, 
therae, Its site has Consequently long been placed in the 

neighbourhood of Balukiser, which occupies a similar central 
position on the roughly corresponding modern route from Pan- 
derma and Brusa-Ulubad to Soma. 

Balukiser stands under a low hill near the north-west corner 
of its well-watered plain, which drains east into the middle 
course of the Macestus (about Kebsud), and communicates 
northwards by the valley of that river, and by the pass of Demir 
kapu (slightly west of it), with the lower lying coast levels ; 
south and west of the plain the passes of the main watershed 
afford it communication with Smyrna and Adramyt respec- 

The town itself is a large and picturesque market centre 
(Tuesday) with well-stocked bazaars : a yearly fair, lasting a 
month and frequented by merchants from Adramyt, Brusa, and 
Smyrna, is held there on the 5th September and following days*. 
The population includes some two hundred Greek families, with 
a school and church of the Kolfiriai^ and a considerable Armenian 

Administratively it is the seat of the Mutessarif of Karassi, 
originally an independent Seijuk principate governed by its 
eponymous founder and his descendants, and taken over by the 
Osmanlis under Orkhan. Of the Seijuk princes of Karassi we 

' Mordtmann, Ausland^ i854f P- 75^; cf. Walpole 11. 143 where the date is given 
as the )nd Safir. Laborde, p. 19. 

- Cuinet's figures are 9875 M., 1266 C, 1941 A. 


know little: the territory* was acquired by Karassi, or by his 
father Kalami* who was succeeded by his son Demir Khan : 
the latter ruled in Balukiser while Orkhan held Brusa'. 
He is evidently the apx^v rrj^ ^pvyia^ TafitfpxO'inj^ rov 
Fia^ who made terms with the Greek emperor at Pegae in 
1328*. The country under him is described in enthusiastic 
terms by Schihab-ed-din who mentions its maritime power and 
exports of silk and laudanum'. Demir Khan was probably 
succeeded by Seaddin's Aglan-beg, at whose death intrigue 
brought the principality to Orkhan®. 

Karassi was enlarged by the addition of the Sanjak of Bigha 
in 1876 (when the Dardanelles ceased to be the capital of the 
Archipelago) and remained a vilayet till 1888 when it was joined 
to Brusa, and the Bigha Sanjak placed under the central 
government^ Balukiser was already, in Seljuk times, a '' large 
and beautiful town'/' ^nd was embellished under the Osmanlis 
with the usual pious works. Bayezid Yilderim founded the 
mosque and medresseh near the river*: the mosque has a rather 
quaint interior divided into nave and aisles by two ranges of 
stilted arches resting on short columns : some of the latter have 
Roman and Byzantine caps. The mosque and turbeh of Zaganos 
Pasha the vizir of Mahommed 11.^^ have only lately been pulled 
down and rebuilt by the last governor after sustaining great 
damage in the recent earthquake. Hadji Khalfa mentions an 
aqueduct built by the same Zaganos Pasha and a mosque and 
tekkeh founded by a certain Lutf-Ullah Bairam who was himself 
buried there". To Zaganos are also attributed the foundation of 

V ^pvyU MrxaXiy ar6 'Ar^ov w^t^t AxP^ *^ 'EXXiy^r^rriN; (Ducas 13, 14 B.): T& 
Avilmt irrt UvaioM (Chalc. 15 B.). 
' So Chftlcondylet. 

* SchilMb*ed-din, Ibn Batutab. 

^ Cantac. I. 339. r«a(irs= lakdji, hoiher of Demir Khan and prince of Mermere in 

* PP- 339* 353- 

* A list of the princes of Karassi is given by Mas Latrie ( TViser^ col. 1795). 

' Cuinet in. 69s. 

* Ibn Batuta, p. 73. * Cf. Hadji Khalfa, p. 514. 
^ Von Hammer 1. 41) ; Chalcondyles 383 etc. 

" p. 48s. I saw, in 1904, several granite shafts and a capital of very elegant 
arabesque design on the site of the new mosque of Zaganos, then Iwilding. Laborde 


a medresseh and the still existing bath, a many-domed building 
containing accommodation for both sexes. 

The name Balikesri, given to the town by Seaddin in his 
account of the conquest of Ka^assi^ is, as the early maps shew, 
a corruption of Palaeo-Castro', though it is rapidly developing 
into the quite inappropriate Balukhissar ('* Fish-Castle"). 

From the name, therefore, we should expect an ancient site 
on the spot, which it would be convenient to identify with 
Hadrianutherae, but the town, though it naturally acts as a 
focus for inscribed stones and other portable antiquities, has no 
ruins to shew. 

We have thus no strong case for the identification of Balukiser 
with Hadrianutherae, but a certain amount of reason to suppose 
that the Roman town lay somewhere in the neighbourhood — 
the plain is ill-known and we can point to no definite site with 
confidence — since 

(i) The extent and fertility of the plain are natural reasons 
for the existence of a large countr>' town in it at all ages : the 
more so as 

(2) This plain is on the natural road between Miletupolis 
and Pergamon, and an ancient road on the lines of the present 
chauss^e was traced by Munro down to the plain. 

(3) Besides the evidence of the name we can point to a 
certain number of inscriptions and worked stones as evidence 
for the existence of an ancient site in the district. 

mentions a peristyle formed of 19 juperb columns of granite at the principal mosque 
(cf. also Pttckler-Muskaa 395). Another mosque (which Laborde says he drew) is 
described as an old Arab mosque adorned with several columns and pilasters in white 
marble. This is possibly the fpundation of Lutf-Ullah Bairam, which was also 
destroyed in the earthquake and rebuilt in the plainest style. Cuinet says that 
Balukiser boasted before the disaiter "91 mosques and mesjids, an old clock-tower 
much admired, one Imaret, two monumental fountains, 31 medressehs, 6 public baths 
of Seljuk date and a vaulted bazaar built doubtless about the same period." It has 
now scarcely an old building of interest. 

1 Tr. Bratutti I. 51 (a.d. 1317): Schihab-ed-din appears to call it indifferently 
Balikesri or Akhara (='Axvpc(oi;t?) Not. ei Extr, xni. 339, 353, 365. Malikesritoid 
Akbara are evidently Arabicisms. 

' Policastro appears at least as early as the map of Gastaldi (c. 1545, published in 
Sathas, MyiyAWia ni.) and is copied by much later map-makers. Ram^y*s conjecture, 
Balyk ffissar^ is put out of court by Seaddin and Ibn Batutah who write ^j^^ ^JW • 

this is still, I believe, the official spelling. 


(4) Coins of Hadrianutherae, rare elsewhere, are common 
at Balukiser. 

In 1901 Munro found an important Greek site with numerous 
remains at Beykeui, south-west of Kebsud, a small town on the 
right bank of the Macestus from which a long series of in- 
scriptions has come: this site he at once identified with 
Hadrianutherae'. In support of the attribution he urges 

(i) that the site is much more important than any known 
in the Balukiser plain : 

(2) that, being close under the hills, it is a suitable location 
for the Royal Chase of Hadrian : 

(3) that it is near to Bigaditch which he identifies with 
Achy rails (see below) : 

(4) that it lies on one great route to the Caicus valley. 

It is only since a visit to Kebsud and Beykeui that I have 
ventured to dissent from these conclusions. In answer to the 
arguments above I submit : 

(i) that a series, even a long series, of sepulchral monu- 
ments, is not sufficient evidence of the site of a town of 
Hadrianutherae's importance : 

(2) that the hill-country south and west of the plain is, or 
was, heavily wooded, and the Kaza of Balukiser has more forest 
land than any other in the Sanjak': 

(3) that the site is, as Munro himself held in 1895', too far 
east for the road between Miletupolis and Pergamon, while the 
modern road down the valley between Kebsud and Susurlu is 
not passable for wheeled traffic, and the ancient road has been 
traced to within a few miles of Balukiser. Nor, except on the 
assumption that Achyraus= Bigaditch, can I see any evidence 
that the great road to the south passed by these points. 

Kebsud is indeed in a remote position, and communicates, as 
we have said, only by a \^ry narrow valley with the Balukiser 

I continue, therefore, to look for the site of Hadrianutherae 
in the plain of Balukiser, preferably towards its south-western 

* /. f/s. XXI. 131. 

' CcHsuiar report on thi Vilayti of Brusa 1897. 
• p. 165. 


corner. Its discovery hangs, so to speak, on the turn of a spade, 
for the site may he hidden in sonne still untilled plot of ground. 
Tchaoush-keui, near which remains w«re noted by Fabricius*, is 
up to the present too insignificant, and BaTndyr, whence I have 
a small bronze statuette of Asklepios, seems too far west 

Of the history of Hadrianutherae nothing is known but the 
story of its foundation by Hadrian after a successful bear-hunt, 
mentioned by Cedrenus and others*. The etymology has been 
thought to be a popular one : certainly the spellings 'ASptavov- 
Ovpa* and Hadrianuteba* suggest the termination -teira (as in 
Temenothyra. Thyateira), but the imperial coinage, which begins 
with Hadrian himself and continues to Philip, gives consistently 
' ASpiavo0fjpLT(Sv. Among its types are the bear's head* (com- 
memorating the hunt of Hadrian), and of the gods Zeus, 
Dionysus, Asklepios, Telesphorus*, the bull Apis and the **aya06^ 
ijpm' Antinous. From the great prominence given by Aristides 
to the temple of Zeus Olympius on the neighbouring hill of 
Atys we may surmise that Hadrian's foundation took the place 
of an old village centre of the indigenous religion. The gods 
of this shrine, probably the male divinity of universal powers 
and his youthful emanation, were possibly first Grecised as Zeus 
and Dionysus, and later equated indifferently to the Pergamene 
couple Asklepios and Telesphorus, the Egyptian Serapis and 
Apis, or the imperial Hadrian and Antinous. The inevitable 
female third party seems here, as at Poemanenum, to have been 
of less importance. 

In Byzantine times Hadrianutherae was the seat of a 
bishopric under Cyzicus^ and was later eclipsed in importance 

^ Stitb. Acad, Berl, 1894, 90 x "Zahlreiche Bauglieder aus Trachjrt, Saulen, 
ftltarfonnige Postamente aus Trachyt und Marmor, alles von si^iter, roher Arbeit, 
auch Stficke eines byzantinischen Flach reliefs mit rohen Thierfiguren aus Marmor.'* 

' Cedren. I. 437 B. Script, Hist. Aug, Hadr, 20. Xiphil. LXix. 10. Cedrenus* 
^F rocr Aurdrmt (cf. Thtod. Stud, Vita ii.) is explained by Tomaschek as equivalent to 
in fiutatis (i.e., within the confines of the Royal Chase?). Mirdra is used in the 
Mod. Gr. of Crete as equivalent to Mopdpl (sheepfold) with the same root idea of 
' enclosure ' (G. Meyer, Neugr, Studitn), 

' Cone. Nic. II. * Tab, Peut,\ cf. Ramsay, Geog, 155 and 437. 

* N,C, VI. 91. ' ib. (the same coin). 

' Lequien I. 769. 


by the neighbouring fort Achyraiis, built by John Comnenus' 
to guard the important southern roads. Consequently the 
bishops, as at Lopadium and elsewhere, took the double title^ or 
even the later one alone*. 

The name of the fort is very variously spelt, which suggests 

that it was not Greek in origin. Most usually 

called fi *Axvpaou^\ it is Grecised to 17 'O^^i/pa', ai 

'Oxvpot*, while the crusaders call it Esseron' or Sycheron', and 

the valley in which it stood Vallis Ascaratana*. Theodore 

Studites mentions it in the 9th century as Ktofuf ^Ax€ipato^\ 

The name was evidently given to the district, which was 
apparently distinct from the Opsician theme. It is called 
Provincia Acherau in the PriviUgium AUxii \ 199", and Provincia 
Acherari in the Partitio Romaniae^\ 

In the treaty of Theodore and the Latins it is the frontier of 
the latter party, and Calamus (Gelembe) is neutral ground". 

The castle of Hodja Kalesi agrees well with what we know 
of Achyraiis : it stands about 2\ miles S.S.E. of the village of 
Eftele on a high grassy spur bounded on three sides by the 
right bank of the stream of Hodja-d^r6, which two hours and 
a half lower down passes the village of Mendoura. The spur 
slopes steeply enough even on its landward (S.) side and affords 
an ideal site for a castle. The site enclosed by the walls is an 
irregular trapezium, the extreme length perhaps 200 metres : 
the wails are best preserved on the landward side, where the 
two massive semicircular towers which flanked the entrance 

^ Nic. Chon. 44 B. 

* Noiit, X., xni. and two unpublished, quoted by Ramsay, Ceog^. 155. 

* Act, Pair, Canst. I. 119 (1156). Notit HI. 

^ Acrop. 30, Pachy. ii. 493 and Notitiae (xni. has 'AxvpaoWwf), Cantac ui. 39; 
cf. Theod. Scutar. XI. roG Karrpov r^ 'Oxvpwr t iral 'Axvptfovf rapa rxoi X^rrai : 
the ethnic is 'Axvpoh^ in Cantac. n. 180. 

» Eph- 7750. 

' Nicet. 44 B. Ephr. 7411, 7513, 7991. 

' Odo de Diogilo, p. 350 (Guizoi). * Ansbert. 

* Cf. Sagara in Hierocles and 'A^ica^rdt, an Anatolian ethnic in F,A.S. ill. 
p. 171. Kiepert identifies the plain with the Apia Campus of Polyb. v. 77. 

>• yUa cvi. (Migne). 

1' Tafel and Thomas Lxxxv. i. p. 946 flF. 

I* ih. cxxi. i. p. 453 ff. Cf. the Episcepseis of Apollonia and Lopadium. 

" Acrop. 30; cf. Eph. 7750. 


Stand six or seven metres high ; they are solidly built of rubble 
and tile, the latter inserted both perpendicularly and horizontally 
in the joints. Portions of two other towers survive on this side: 
the river walls have all but disappeared. 

On the low ground beneath the castle a roofless eleven-sided 
tekke carefully built of squared stones shews that the site was not 
deserted in early Turkish times, while the proximity of the 
village Eftele (Pteleae?) is in itself strong evidence for the 
identification of the castle with the Byzantine fortress of 
Achyraiis^ It is indeed the only Byzantine building in the 
district worthy to rank with Eski Manyas and Ulubad as a first- 
class fortress. 

The only other claimant for the site is the important 
mediaeval castle of Bigaditch': this stands above the small 
town of the same name* on the right bank of the upper Ma- 
cestus and is described by Hamilton as a "circular wall enclosing 
about two acres, strengthened by several square and round 
towers of no great antiquity." This identification will hardly 
stand after the discovery of a castle so much nearer the great 
road and Balukiser as Hodja Kalesi. 

The mountain near Achyraiis was called Cyminas or Ciminas^ 
and is mentioned with Olympus as a haunt of monks": it is 
probably to be identified with Sivri-tepe which is a conspicuous 
peak from the site of the castle. Munro found a rock-cut 
hermit's cell at Persi near by, and the monastery r£v AcucKmv\ 
whose abbot was present at the second Council of Nicaea, may 
have been one of the religious houses of the district. 

^ See below, p. 133. ' Munro 171; cf. HamiltoD ii. 116. 

* Bigaditch is a koMa of Balukiser with a population of nearly 4000 almost entirely 
Turkish. Its chief industries are tanning, opium and cotton. 

* ...[Kc/uya], oiJrw yiip ro 6pot KoXelrai t6 ^Tywf t^ *Axvpdovt tI^woi' Act. XV. 
=s p. 30 B. (cf. Ephr. 7751 ). It is there mentioned as the boundary of the Latins. The 
identification was first made by Munro. 

* Theoph. Cfffifm, 419 B. Genes. Si. Ada SS.^ July 5 = p. 247; cf. 3i|p6Xo^ 
in TAeifd, Studiiae f^a cii. Migne. L. Petit in Ana/. Boll. xxv. 18 (noU) identifies 
Cyminas with Dikmendagh in Paphlagonia, referring to his Vit de Afuhel Maleincs^ 
p. 51, note II, which I have not been able to consult, but (without rejecting Acro- 
polita absolutely) it seems a difficult theory to substantiate. 

* Mansi Xili. 151; cf. r^of rcG AdxKW in TA£od. Studitae Vita cii. Migne, 
'Zfipoklfuni in VUa Mich. MaUini. 



The considerable plain through which the Granicus flows is 
Adrasuu capable of supporting a large population. It was 
occupied in Homeric times by the city of Adrasteia, 
from which it took its name*. Apollonius* identifies it with the 
friBiov ^Tim^lov which others apparently associated with Olympus, 
king of the Mysians and presumably of Mysia Olympene : this 
second name (injirnlov) was evidently connected with a local 
l^end of the birth and infancy of Zeus. 

The city was said to take its name from Adrastus, son of 
Merops of Percote': who first established here the worship of the 
goddess Adrastea^: the marriage of his daughter Cleite to the 
hero Cyzicus is evidently an attempt, aided by the existence of 
a cult of Adrastea at Cyzicus, to bring Cyzicene legend into line 
with the Homeric cycle*. 

The city had decayed in Strabo*s time, and its ancient 
oracular shrine of Apollo Actaeus and Artemis xard n^v 
Tlvtcdrrip*(?) removed to Parium. Other towns in the plain were 

> Str. 587, 588. Its situation between Priapus and Parium (cf. Steph. Byz.) may 
be understood if we suppose the road to avoid the coast here. 

* 1. 1 1 16 and Schol. See also Part in. 

* Horn. //. II. 818 

Ot di *A^p'^^tldw r tlxo^ col iifim^ 'Aroi^oi/, 
Kal ntrvffior 9xo^ f^ Tifptlift Spot alru, 
Twr ipx *A9pti^T6t re nU 'Am^ot XiFp^i&^|, 
Ttf Mw Mipc99t litpg^^Uv.... 
^ Antimachus ap. Str. 588 ropd ^^or Air^rpM. 

* Another version (Steph. Byx. s.v.) derived the name from Adrasteia, daughter 
of Melisseus. Stephanus mentions a village Melissa in the Cyzicene territory. 

* p. 588 V.I. Harrvirr. 


Sidene^ on the Granicus of which we know no more than that it 
was destroyed by Croesus, and Didymateiche, whose name may 
be preserved in the modern Dimetoka, on the eastern tributary 
of the Granicus : it is only mentioned as a humble member of 
the Delian league. 

From these slight records we may surmise that Adrasteia 
and Sidene were the political centres of the district in the 
Homeric and Lydian periods respectively: this centre shifted 
naturally in Greek, Roman and mediaeval times to the coast 
(Priapus, Pegae), and has now, under the Turkish occupation, 
reverted once more to the plain. 

Bighashehr ("Boghazshehr" = "city of the gorge" by popular 
Bi hashehr ctymology and the well-known partiality of the 
Turks for broad vowels) is the modem centre of 
this district. It is prettily situated at the opening of the valley 
of the Bigha-Chai but has suffered much of late years from fire. 
The quarter about the bridge is still picturesque, especially when 
viewed from the grassy space on the further side where the camel 
trains are pastured and the yearly fair is held. The population 
is assessed at 8395 Mohammedans, 1445 Greeks, 160 Arme- 
nians : there seems to be a large Bulgarian (Pomak) element 
both in the town and its neighbourhood and the plain is being 
gradually filled by immigrants. The town, once the capital of 
the important Sanjak now governed from the Dardanelles^ is 
at present the seat of a Kaimakam. It is connected with the 
port of Karabogha by a newly-built road and by horse-tracks 
through Avunia and Tchan bazar with Adramyt. At Tchanbazar 
a yearly fair is held of which Cuinet* gives the following account: 
" The number of persons who frequent this fair is estimated 
at 20 — 25,000. They flock to it in picturesque caravans pro- 
tected by the local gendarmerie; man and beast camp in the 
open air, while the dealers in stuffs, embroideries, colonial pro- 
ducts, etc., take their places under great sheds run up for the 

^ Str. 587, 601. Marquardt, p. 81, gives it Lydian origin on the strength of the 
name. Steph. Byz. mentions a Zcdi^riy in Lydia. 

* **Bigha Sanjak*' may be the explanation of the name Becsan^ii, Beesangial ^ytn 
by the i6th — 17th century cartographers to the country west of the Macestus. 

• I". 754. 


purpose, and divided into small compartments. The money 
which changes hands at this fair amounts to a very considerable 
sum : the chief merchandise consists in cattle, copper kitchen 
utensils, stufls of all sorts, and the rich Turkish costumes which 
are made and embroidered at Bigha and Brusa. The sellers 
come chiefly from the Dardanelles, Rhodosto, Brusa, and even 
Smyrna. After the third day the fair at Tchan is removed to 
Bigha.. .where it goes on for six days.** 

If, as is possible, Bighashehr is on the site of Adrasteia or 
Sidene, ancient monuments are surprisingly few and ruins non- 

The history of the town is obscure : it seems to have existed 
beside the maritime settlement of Pegae and to have borne 
the same name\ of which the modem one is a corruption : 
von Hammer mentions it as the administrative centre of Karassi 
under Suleiman, son of Orkhan'. 

The plain was in Strabo's time divided between Cyzicus. 
Priapus and Parium. On the marches of the Cyzicene and 
Priapene territory stood the village of Harpagia', associated with 
the legend of the rape of Ganymede^ 

Priapus, a colony either of the Milesians or the Cyzicenes*, 
occupied the low promontory of Eski Kaleh Burnu 
just west of the mouth of the Granicus. The shape 
of this promontory, Judeich has suggested*, perhaps accounts for 
the dedication of the colony to the rude nature-god of Lamp- 
sacus^ This god, a son of Dionysus by Aphrodite or the 
nymph Chione (or even, as some authorities held, a form of 
Dionysus himself), was intimately connected with the culture of 

* Tomaschek (p. 14) *'Uzzano sphcht dcntlich von einer citti di Sptcua am 
Meere, cbenso Pachymercs von der wapaSaXaaai^ w6\u Tlifyal neben ciner zweiten 
niehr inlandischcii Stadt gleichen Namens" [i.c. the **Spigast** of Barbarossa't 

* I. 135- 

' Tbuc VI n« 107. Str. 587. Sieph. Byz. Hellespontine tribute lists. 
^ CC Suidas, s^v. Uipm, A then. xitl. 601. 

* SU'. 587. * 5f/si. B^/, Acad. 1898, II. 551. 

' For the god Pnapos see Preller- Robert 735. Cf. 333, note «. Athen. 1. 54. 
SchoL Theocr. L ti. Arrian frag. 33. Str. 587. Sch. Ap. Rh. 1. 931. 8.C.H, 
I. 409 (relief from Gallipoli). 

H. 7 


the vine, for which the surrounding country is peculiarly adapted*, 
and had all the naively gross characteristics of a rustic god 
unacquainted with city refinements. 

Of the town's history we know little or nothing ; it appears 
in the Delian tribute lists as one of the Hellespontine allies of 
Athens, but never rose to any importance, being over-shadowed 
by Parium ; the latter encroached on its territory with the con- 
nivance of the Attalids, to whom Priapus fell with the rest of 
Hellespontine Phrygian Two Latin inscriptions found near 
Karabogha', mentioning Hadrian as "founder of the colony," have 
suggested that Parium and Priapus together formed the "colonia 
Gemella" whose coins are so frequent in theCyzicus district. In 
support of this theory it is worthy of note that, while a number 
of inconsiderable towns in the district possessed mints in the 
second and third centuries A. D., imperial coins of Priapus depend 
on the dubious evidence of Vaillant: and that Priapus and 
Parium were later joined in a bishopric. 

In the neighbourhood of Priapus Stephanus mentions a 
place "lyvrj of which nothing further is known. 

In the later middle age the site was occupied by the Italian 
trading station^ of Pegae, which the chroniclers of 
Barbarossa's march mention already in 1 190 as 


(Spigast)' civitas Latinis inhabitata'." In 1204 Nicetas' describes 
it as a "city of the Hellespontine Latins," and Villehardouin* 
likewise " Espigal, une cit^ qui sor mer siet et dre popWe de 
Latins." It played an important part in the history of the 
Prankish empire "beyond the arm of S. George"," remained the 

* Str. 587. * Str. 588. • Inscrr. ill. 10, 11. 

^ Hierocles has IIiy[7a(](?) after Bans. 

^ I.e. B/f TLfiyea like Isnik, Ismid. 

' Cf. the license to trade granted by Manuel Comnenus to the Genoese in 1178 
(Sauli, Deila colonia dei Genovesi u. 188 (14)) and the concession of Michael Palaeologos 
to the Venetians (1365) which mentions Pegae (Sher, Bayr, Akad. Phil, Hist. CL 
1850, pp. 180, 103), and for the whole subject Heyd, Gesch. des LevanUhandels im 
MittdaUir^ and the documents in Tafel and Thomas. 

^ p. 13. " 180, Ducange; cf. G. Pachy. n. 415 ra^a^aXaj^ff-ia r6Xit IlifycU. 

' A titular (?) Sire de las Pigas (1361) is mentioned in the Chronique de Morie 
(p. 31 in PoMihion LUtiraire)^ and in the Families ttOuirenur (p. 545, Rey): a Latin 
bishop, P. Gasparo Gasparini di Spiga, was buried in S. Francisco at Galata (de 
Burgo, p. 350). 




seat of a Byzantine bishopric together with Parium^ as late as the 
fourteenth century, and was one of the last Greek strongholds in 
Asia to fall. Even after the conquest by the Turks it was still 
an important Italian trading station*. 




sl !r' 


from AdmirAlfy ChaH 95t 

Fig. 9. Sits of Pkgae: Sketch Plan. 

To-day its successor, Karabogha, on the shore below the 
headland is without importance save as the landing-place for 
Bighashehr. It is served by a steamer from Constantinople 
twice a week. On the site of the ancient city are considerable 
remains of mediaeval walls extending all round the headland*. 
The wall and towers on the landward side are still in fair preser- 
vation and form a conspicuous sea-mark. They are built on the 
slight slope of a depression severing the peninsula from the 

^ The bishopric of Pfgat and Parium is first mentioned in 1316 (Act, Patr, i. 
IxTiL). It was in partibus apparently after 1314 {ibid. I. civ.) when the signature 
is nirywr irai Ilap^ov kqX T(>6*5pof Fdrov : cf. Lambros on the Archbishopric of 

• Cf. Uzzano and the PortolanL 

■ Cf. Von Richter, p. 415 ff. and the account of the taking of the Acropolis by 
John de Brienne (Acrop. xxx.). 



continent: the slope seems to have been increased by artificial 
embankment. The best preserved towers are at the northern 
end of the fortification which is the highest point of the defended 
area. These towers are pentagonal (four sides projecting from 

Fig. io. Tower at KARABonHA. 

the curtain) and built entirely of tile: the interior plan is round, 
the upper storey domed and the lower strengthened by additional 
thickness added from within : angularbreastworks of rubble give 
additional stability to the bases of the towers. The wall was of 
rubble and seems to have been restored in Turkish times. 
Within the fortifications are traces of a cross-wall cutting off the 
high north-western corner, and several large cisterns. 



On one of the outlying spurs of Ida — the range here extends 
2^,^j^ to the barrier of coast hills, through which the 

Aesepus forces its way to the sea — stood Zeleia, 
the furthest outpost in this direction of the Trojan civilisation, 
and characteristically remote from the sea. The site is identified 
by Strabo's' accurate "190 stades from Cyzicus and about 80 
from the nearest sea" with the large but squalid village of 
sarikeui Sarikeui on a western affluent of the Aesepus, 

a couple of hours below Gunen : it is inhabited 
largely by Rumelian immigrants, only forty of its thousand 
families being Greek. A small conical hill above the village may 
represent the Homeric acropolis. 

The name (ZeXem, ZeXi;') is variously derived by the ancients 

2^j^j^ from a hero Zelys or Zeleius' or from f^XiK*. The 

hero Zelys is mentioned' in the Argonaut myth 

and probably belongs to the genus of Hellenistic fictions, if he 

does not represent the original sun-god of the town*. 

The foundation of the town is attributed by the Scholiast on 
//. IV. 90 to Camabas the Perrhaebian, who fled to the Troad 
and settled down under Tros at Zeleia' : the people are called 

> 586. 

' St. Byz. s.yv. 2S^Xeca, 'ATo/AMctA' The ethnic is ZcXe£n|f in App. I. 17. loser. 
V. 30 A. C./,A. in. 1893 etc. ZcXeidnft in the tribute lists. The name Zelys occurs 
in Polyb. v. 79; cf. also the Thracian town -name Selymbria. 

* Etym. Mag,^ Steph. Byz. s..v. ZAcca. 

* Eiym^ Mag, dca rft Tor {Xior iv airf Mv r^r/kSr^at. Schol. ad /I. iv. 103 has 
9ii t6 riw 'AvoXXwva etc. 

* Ap. Rh. I. 1041 and the account of Valerius Flaccus. 

* Cf. ZAat 2eXi^; Marquardt considers the word Lydian. 

' (Bekker, p. 134) ^vyiaw th Bpiwdv rift Tpotat Ka$afi$€ls di 0r6 Tpy6t, Xmfiu^ 
Ido^ Kti^tt ZiXtiaw rrpf fUKpiu^ AvkU», 


Trojans' and the town, lying west of the Aesepus, was reckoned 
to the Troad. The inhabitants fought in the Trojan war» under 
Pandarus, son of Lycaon, a "Lycian" (the territory of Zeleia 
was called Little Lycia') who was evidently a native of the 
place, on good terms with his god or ancestor*. 

At Zeleia, Apollo had an oracle, renowned in its day', which 
had, however, ceased to work in Strabo's time*. The god was 
worshipped as Pythius and probably associated with Artemis^ 
There is evidence that the ancient shrine was by some authors 
made to figure in the legend of the Argonauts : the version 
preserved by Malalas* makes Jason enquire at the Pythia 
Therma as to the dedication of the newly-made temple, while 
Valerius Flaccus makes the Aesepus the scene of the purifi- 
catory rites. Pythia Therma to a Byzantine meant the hot 
springs at Yalova in Bithynia", but the Zeleian Apollo-oracle 
makes the name equally applicable to the thermae of Gunen, 
which were within easy reach of Cyzicus. It seems probable 
that the shrine of Apollo was at the hot springs of Gunen, 
where Artemis Thermaia was, in Aristides' day, the presiding 
deity. She is already in the fourth century inscription the 
goddess by whom the public oath is taken, and a head crowned 
with a low polos, apparently representing an oriental Artemis, 
not radically dissimilar from the Magna Mater, appears on the 
autonomous coins. 

Of the history of Zeleia little is known. Though, unlike most 

^ 77. II. 817 and Schol.; Steph. Byz. ' //. 11. 817. 

' Schol. ad 77. iv. 90 (quoted above); ib, 103 ^ inrh ry19jf AvkU r6 TaKoudw ZA«a 
^jraXc«ro= Arrh. frag. 68. Eostath. ad loc. cii. explains Ai/xifyci^t as= Ai^xtof : cf. also 
Plat, de Mul. Virt. 9 iK rf t xtpL Z. dvouclat iLvKUav. 
\ * Jl, II. 837 ndydapof i} koX t6^ *Ax6XXwir adrot Hvk€P, 

n • Tzetz. Lye. 315. Sch. ad //. IV. loi, 103 d^evM^raroar Up(», 

* • Str. 588. ' Inscr. 1. 16. 

* IV. 94. Cf. Joh. Ant. frag. 15. Cedren. 119. 

* So Makris in H 6 "Kan p\l followed by Gedeon in A/^oi Kal Kepd/iia, Ramsay 
{Ifist. Gecg. p. 180) confuses the Boo-iXicd Oep^d of Brusa with the Pythia : curiously 
Pnisa is identified with 2^1eia by Niger, cf. Ortelius s.v. Prusa *'Zelliam olim 
appellatam tradit Marinus Niger" (Geog, Comment. 1557, p. 417 Pmsias quae et Zelia 
dicta est, but cf. Zelia Propontis, pp. 493 and 417). Cf. also the note in Mercator's 
PuUewty* The mistake may arise from a confusion with Zielas, father of the founder 
of Pmsias ad Hypium. 

X] ZELEIA 103 

inland towns, it became a member of the Delian confederacy, 
we have no record of the liberation from the Persian yoke ; 
the town is mentioned as the headquarters of the satraps before 
the battle of the Granicus, and as having under compulsion 
assisted the Persian army". A native tyrant, Nicagoras*, is said 
to have ruled Zeleia, "about the time of Alexander," and a 
Zeleian inscription, dating from the middle of the fourth century, 
refers to the seizure of the acropolis by the citizens. The brief 
accounts of Alexander's relations with the town after Granicus 
do not mention or imply a tyrant in 334 ; such petty tyrannies 
sort better with Persian methods of government than with those 
of the Diadochi, so that we may place Nicagoras about 350 ac. 
In the Hellenistic period Zeleia must have fallen under the 
sway of its powerful neighbour; Zelys appears amongst the 
Cyzicene heroes in Apollonius, and the town is mentioned as an 
outpost of Cyzicus by Diogenes*. A Hellenistic boundary-stone 
marking the limit of Cyzicene territory in the hills west of 
Gunen has been published by Dr Wiegand^ and Strabo speaks 
of Zeleia itself as Cyzicene in his day' : its ancient frontiers 
extended to the Tarsius* and the hills about Caresene, a ruined 
city in the upper valley of that river'. 

The modem centre of the lower Aesepus valley is Gunen, a 

small town and kaimakamlik inhabited by a mixed 

population estimated at about 5400*. The Greek 

community has a modem church dedicated to S. George: the 

old Turkish mosque and bath are simple but picturesque 


Gunen is to-day chiefly important for its hot springs, which 
attract visitors from so far away as Constantinople in the 
summer months. The modem bath is situated just outside the 
town, on the right bank of the river, a few yards above the ruins 
of the ancient Thermae, which have been lai^ely carried away 
by the stream : remains of walls, pavements and water pipes are, 

" App. I. 17. * Athen. 989 B. Qem. Alex. Frcir. 4. 54. 

* Ap. St. Byx. « Inter, vi. 6. 

* 583 ; cf. 576 where rd WpoF roO Ai^i(rov, rd vtp2 nfy ZAeaar are Cyzicene. 

* Str. 587. ' ib. 603. 

* Cainct gives the figures at 4690 M. and 680 G. The Greek community is said 
to number 140 families, and there are a few Armenians. 


however, visible. The waters have an unpleasantly sulphurous 
smell and are extremely hot. A certain amount of traffic passes 
through the place to Panderma and Balia : between Gunen and 
Balia there is no road for vehicles. The river, here spanned by 
a rickety wooden bridge, is a swift stream with a stony bed 
which permits of its being forded in the summer months. 

Turkish history mentions the town only in connection with 
the rebellion of Kalenderoghlu^ ; it was defended in mediaeval 
times by the fort called Baba Kalessi, which crowns a low height 
on the left bank of the river. Another strong but somewhat 
isolated fortress (Chinar Bunar-Kale) lies in a nook of the 
mountains two and a half hours west-south-west of Gunen. It 
is described and planned by Wiegand'. 

Ftntlf > 

Fig. II. Sketch Plan of Chinar Bunar-Kale (Wiegand). 

The great commercial event of the year at Gunen is the 
horse-fair which takes place in the broad valley of Elbislik on 
the loth — 13th of June*. On the opposite (south) side of the 

^ 161 1. Naima 348. 

* Ath, Mitth. XXIX. 338. 

* This fair has also a religious aspect, and (though reputed to have been founded 
by a Turk, and called the Hadji) is associated with S. Nicholas, to whom belong 
a ruined church and ayasma in the neighbourhood of the Circassian village where it is 
held. ChishuU, p. 59, speaks of a fair ten days long at Geoige-tide much fre- 

X] GUNEN 105 

valley is the large Greek village of Elbislik with its " monastery " 
(a mere hut) of S. Michael. 

The baths of Gunen were evidently the objective of Aristides' 
journey in search of health*, but he gives us no hint as to the 
name of the village or town which must have existed there, if 
only for the accommodation of patients : he refers merely to the 
baths of Artemis Thermaia on the Aesepus. 

More than one ancient town has been put forward as a 
claimant for the site, none by any means certain as yet 

Ramsay* confidently identifies Gunen with the Artemea of 
Hierocles on the evidence of the Life of S. Philetaerus. This 
seems rash on account of the wide diffusion of the cult as 
evidenced by the Life itself, and the uncertainty as to the exact 
route taken by the saint'. 

Kiepert* in some maps places Poemanenum on this site, on 
the strength of the inscription mentioning fAvaral Tlrifiavriv&v (?) 
above alluded to^ 

A fair case might also be made out for Hiera Germe, which 
is placed by Ptolemy between Cyzicus and Scepsis* and by 
Stephanus near Cyzicus^ more especially if as Kiepert holds the 
name Germae is the Phrygian equivalent of Thermae^ : and the 
name Gunen may be a corruption of Tep^rjvov. 

The most likely claimant, if not to the site, at least to the 
general position and importance of Gunen, seems to me the 
elusive town and bishopric* of Baris**, on which some fresh 

* Sacr, Serm, iv. 501 — 3, Dind. 

* Si I^Miithi TraveiUr^ p. 197; Nisi. Gtog. 155. 

* See above, p. 49. ^ Format Orbis Ant, ix. (note). 

* p. 1 40. * V. 2, 14. T S.V. Ttp/ud. 

' See Formoi OHns Ant, tx. (note), and the episcopal signature 8<pMa«^wr in 
Leqitien 1. 768. Kiepert, having identified Gunen with Poemanenum, identifies Genne 
«ith Ilidja conjecturally : the old identification of Germe with Kermasti is based only 
Bpon the resemblance of the names. Beyond its approximate position nothing is 
known of the Hellespontine Germe. The coins with Ttpfii/^iip are now assigned by 
Inhoof {Lj^. Sfadtm. p. 66) to the Lydian Germe on the Caicus, and with it, 
probably, should be identified the bishopric of Ttp/ial (Socr. Ifisi, EccL iv. it; 
Notitiae etc). The Germian mountains of Anna Comnena xvi. are probably the 
hiUs south of Olympus and north of the Turkish province of Germian. 

* Lequien i. 769 and Notitiae. 

** The name seems to have signified a house or settlement in some Thracian- 
dialect; cf. Etym. Mag, s.v. Bd/nt X/yrrcu ^ o6riajrard Mcv-^aWovt: Steph. 


light has been thrown by the Milesian inscription published 
by Haussoullier. 

Our meagre notices of Baris are derived from the following 
sources, arranged chronologically : — 

(i) The Milesian inscription recording the delimitation of 
the estate of Laodice wife of Antiochus II. (253 B.C.)'. 

Dr Wiegand's reading of the boundaries as referring to a 
district west, not east, of the Aesepus must be accepted in view 
of the newly discovered Cyzicene boundary-stone : but the 
positions of the villages and even the roads must still be 
regarded as hypothetical. The text of the inscription relating 
to the boundaries runs as follows : — 

{eBei Treptoptadrjvai) aTrb fikv rfKiov avaroKwv airo tQv 7i€\eL- 

1^ a'^ovaa hr\ Hdvvov tctofirjs iirdvto 7779 /ccofirj^ Kol ttj^ 3dp€tt)^ 

diro Se ravrrj^ irapd rov rov A109 /Stofiop rov Svra hravto irj^ 
iyap€<o^ fcai a>9 o Ta<po^ ev oe^i^ T779 0001; * airo 0€ rov raipov avrtf 
17 0S09 17 paaCKiKTi ar/ovaa ^id rrj^ lEtV7ravvi](rq^ &>9 Trorafiov rov 

From another passage in the inscription it appears that Baris 
and Pannukome were included in the estate. 

(2) Possibly, the inscription from Brusa" relating to a defeat 
of Mithradates Kara rrjv Bdpiv. The Cyzicenes certainly harried 
the king's army in retreat towards Lampsacus at the crossings 
of the Aesepus and Granicus*. 

(3) The subscription of the Athena of Aristides: 'Apiu- 
[retSov] ^AOffva iv "Bapet erri 'S.cwjpov rjyifJLOvo^ ir&v inrdpyovTa^ 
Xc' Kal p/rfv6^. This Keil* finds to be contemporary with 
Aristides' sojourn at the temple of Zeus — consequently there- 
fore with his journey to the Aesepus springs. 

Byz. S.T. 1^ oUla wt Uoaeldanrot koX ^ ffwoucla wt "^^pot i Hesych. vXoior i roixot ij 
0Tod TJ ir6pyoi: also Damont, /nscrr. de Thrac. 459 (iii, yd) kwxffKwiaikt to rplwv\9» 
KoX nyr ^dpcjr : and Boisonnade, Anecd. v. 14. It was the name of a town in Pisidia 
and of a village in Astypalaia, Tnscrr, Mar. Aeg. iil. i8x. 

^ Haussoullier in Rev, de PhiloL 1901, pp. 5 ff.; Wiegand in Ath. Mitth. xxix. 

' Arch. Epig, Afitth. vil. 170 etc. ; see list of inscriptions, p. 309. 

' Memnon ap. Phot. BibL 133 (Bekker) 5u«(dt hti row AIojitop Tvraiio9...^wo9 
roXvr rwf wo\€fduw votcc: cf. Floras I. 40 ut Granicus et Aesepus craenti redde- 

* Reuue de PkiloL 1901, 1^3 — 4. 

(4) Hierocles' list of cities, which pla< 
Cyzicus and Parium', 

Baris between 

Fig. I a. 
Skitch Map shewing the Estate or Laodicb (Wibcakd). 

> Ramur therefore pUces Bari* on the lite of Prupui, where the medweral 
P^ae itood. He regardi the rewlint of the hsi. BAPIZTTHTTAPION u doe 
to diltogiaphr, bat poaMj BAPIZTTHrAITTAPION (hoold be md, >hich 
wouM bare the advaniige of ^ving ■ town each to the pUJni of AeMpu and 
GrBDicui. Weueling emend> BAPI£[API£]TTH TTAP10N, bat Ariihe wai 
neat Abrdof (Str. tfjts- fi'" S. PartAtnnTeh. 7, p. 40). 


(5) Probably Theophanes' Banes^ Darenus in the account of 
the defeat of the Byzantines by the Arabs in 774* should be 
read (as Ramsay suggests") Baris, Barenus. 

(6) Anna Comnena mentions a river Barenus crossed on 
the way from Cyzicus to Parium*. 

(7) Nicetas identifies Baris and Aulonia: (under Manuel 
Comnenus) 7roXt9 KaTo. Tr\v Kv^aionr^Kjor^^lrf^v yiopav Tci^^S^Tai 
Bapi9 KcX AvKtovla iraptovvfuo^ ovofiaa^imi*. 

(8) Acropolita mentions Baris and Aulonia in the list of 
fortresses taken by the Latins'. 

We thus infer from (2), (5), (7), and (8) that Baris was a 
strategic point, and from (4) and (6) that it was close enough to 
an important river to give its name to that river. The river 
must be Aesepus or one of the Granicus system, the balance of 
evidence being very much in favour of the former. The Aesepus 
is in the first place a much more important river and strategically 
a greater obstacle: moreover Baris is connected by (i) with 
Aesepus and the Zeleitis and by (3) with Gunen itself. 

We shall probably not be far from the truth if we assume 
that Baris was the chief town of the lower Aesepus valley, 
possibly dating its rise from the decline of Zeleia. 

The sister-town Aulonia, which also gave its name to the 
Aesepus, seems from Nicetas'* TrpoatoKeCkei ry Koff '^WrawovTov 
AvKxavia to have been, as Haussoullier suggests, the port of 
Baris, i.e. at the mouth of the Aesepus. We have also to re- 
member the possibility that its name survives in the modern 
department of Avunia on the upper waters of the same river. 
Aulonia is only mentioned in the passage above quoted and 
by Acropolita with Baris as a point occupied by the Latins^ 

Below Zeleia and a little above the mouth of the Aesepus, 
vuii«e of Strabo notices the Kci/^i; Mefivovo^, and near it 

Memnon. ^ tumulus reputed his tomb". The legend of the 

birds who came yearly and fought about the mound (Memnoniae 

^ 706B. ' /fist, Gtog. 159. 

• XIV. 5. * III B. » 133. 

• 711 B. '' 13 B. 

' p> 587 'TWp 8J 7-9t ixpok^ rov Alffi/j/rov rx^ibp ri...ffTadU)is iroX«irot i^riF, 1^' 
f rd/^ ^Ua^vTQjL Mfi9»ot rod Tctf«iroi;, wXr/alw d* ien mX ^ M^futorot nifnti. 


aves) is quoted by many mythological authors'. There is an 
apparently artificial tumulus on the left bank of the river 
opposite the Roman bridge which may mark the site of the 

' Q. Smym. iv. 642; Aelian, A^.A, v. i. ; Paus. X. 31. 6 and Frazer's note; 
Isid. Origg^. xii. 7, 30; Plin. NM. X. 37; Ov. Afef, xiii. 376 ff. See also 
R. Holland, Herotnvogel in der gr. Mythologies pp. 1—5. 






The upper valley of the Aesepus, chiefly comprised in the 
modem department of Avunia, is ill known and 


Aesepus historically of no great importance. Its remote 

^* ^' position evidently retarded its development, though 

its fertility allowed a large village population^ Our only 
ancient authority on the district is Demetrius of Scepsis, whose 
Homeric learning, if we may judge from the excerpts from his 
work which have come down to us, rendered both obscure and 
unreliable what might else have been a valuable contribution to 
the history of his own country. Strabo" quotes Demetrius at 
length on the Ida district : in this account the following points 
are mentioned : 

(a) On the west bank of the Aesepus : 

(i) Polichna, a " walled village," also mentioned by Pliny as 
belonging to the conventus of Adramyttium and by Hierocles. 

(2) Palaescepsis, identified by Kiepert with the existing 
ruins of Assar-Kale. Of these ruins Mordtmann has published 
a plan and description', from which I quote the following: 

"The hill-top is levelled, and certainly by all appearances 
artificially: the plateau preserves the remains of an ancient 
town and acropolis, with walls, towers, aqueducts etc. The 
walls are constructed of squared blocks ; one of the largest 
was 0'8o cm. long and 0*50 cm. broad. The wall of the acro- 
polis is six feet thick, that of the town three: it is constructed of 
black porphyry which is the material of the whole hill. An 

^ Demetrius describes the region (Caresene) as iptu^ roXXa<s jrcifuut vwoiKovfidini, 
Kal ytvpyov/idmf koX&s (ap. Str. 601). 
' p. 603. 
* Auslandt 185 1, 853, with plan in Riv. Arch, 1854, 767—70. 


oak-tree, the circumference of whose trunk was 5*30 cm., had 
grown out of the wall: this may serve as proof of the long 
period during which the town has lain deserted. The whole 
arrangement of the walls testifies to their extreme antiquity. 
The towers, which are irregularly spaced, are placed at all four 
gates on the right of the entrance... By the southern gate can 
still be seen the pipes in the wall which doubtless served as an 
aqueduct Outside the walls on the north, a little below the 
level of the town, is a quadrangular space which probably held 
a temple or place of sacrifice ; of which however nothing more 
is visible. " 

He refers them to a very early date, and it was doubtless on 
the ground of his description that Kiepert accepted the identi- 
fication. Wiegand, however, assigns the remains to the Byzantine 
period : '* the reputed Palaescepsis above Kuyun Eli is a great 
strong Byzantine castle (about 1 50 x 50 m.) with rubble walls 
about 1 1 m. thick, faced outside with squared trachyte blocks. 
Two entrances and some cisterns and towers may be made out. 
Hill and castle are now overgrown with thick oak scrub. The 
fortification Assar, right above the Aesepus by Tschirpilar, which 
has been taken for Scepsis, is also Byzantine but more insig- 
nificant. The hill is bare and level, about 300 x 150 m., and was 
surrounded by a wall, apparently without towers, which has 
now almost entirely fallen." 

The question of Scepsis and Palaescepsis is difficult, since 
Strabo places them 30 stades apart in the upper Aesepus 
valley, while Judeich, on excellent independent evidence backed 
by an inscription, finds Scepsis at Kurshunlu Tepe in the 
Scamander valley. Strabo himself is not consistent since in 
another place' he locates Palaescepsis 60 stades above Scepsis^ 
above Kebren (and therefore in the Scamander valley), afid about 
the highest point of Ida. Both sites however are said to be 
near Polichna. For the history and full discussion of Scepsis 
we may refer to Judeich's article in Kiepert's Festschrift^ which 
seems quite conclusive in favour of Kurshunlu Tepe. 

(3) Karesus on or near a river of the same name which we 

* p. 606 i9ri W ^ itJh IlaXaitfciy^cf iwtit^ Kf^pffirot sarA r6 iirrtvpirart^ r%*I3i|t 


can with some show of probability identify with the western 
tributary of the Aesepus, though Demetrius* ideas of its source 
are vague. The village names Upper and Lower Karasu (for 
which no physical explanation is apparent) near the junction 
of the streams are suggestive as, in connection with Eustathius' 
note*, is that of Kiresun further south. 

The territory of Karesus extended to the borders of Zeleia 
and included a good deal of the hill-country west of the 
Aesepus : the town was ruined in Strabo's day'. 

(b) In the same district on the left bank of the Aesepus 
between Polichna and Palaescepsis are mentioned : 

(4) Nea Come. 

(5) Argyria. 

Our only fixed point in this district is Argiza which may 
possibly be identical with Argyria' : it is located by epigraphical 
evidence at Balia Bazarkeui*, where Wiegand* found remains of 
a Doric temple, probably of Asklepios. 

The Fair Pine mentioned by Demetrius in this neighbour- 
hood — twenty miles north of Adramyttium, at the head-waters, 
that is, of the Scamander and Aesepus — was evidently an 
important natural landmark of the watershed from which roads 
radiated down the valleys'. 

Of the corresponding district on the upper valley of the 
Kara-d^r^ we are equally ill-informed by ancient writers, and 
monuments are scanty. 

The Byzantine bishopric of t^l II aXat^ has been identified 
Upper Tartius ©n the Strength of the name with the mining town 
^'^^y- and Kaimakamlik of Balia, on the Deirmendere, 

a western aflSuent of the Kara-d^r6. The place is devoid of 

* ad //. 890. ...Kd^iio'oy 5t ^/i^dXXciF c^t rh» Afrifror vrrtpw TLlSot ^irXi^, dw6 
9i Tov Kafr^ov vorafioG koI X"'^ '''^^ Kapifo^iri^ \4ytrai ifff 6 iiuariffitht K^paaifit/ff 

' Str. 603, 603 ; cf. Plin. N.lf, v. 30 intercidit Karene. 

' Cf. Aigissa in Thessaly, later called Argoura (Str. 470, Steph. Byz. s.v.), bat 
Kiepert places Aigyria at Karaidin Madea. 

* Berl, Siizb. 1894, p. 904. CIL. ill. 7084. Argesis in Tab, Pent, See also 
Hierocles and Notitiae. 

* p. «73. 

* Cf. the lines of projected roads in Cuinet's map of Bigha Sanjak. 


Plan or Fericharaxis (Wier.AND). 


archaeological (as to a large extent, thanks to the mines, of 
scenic) attractions and is unhealthy and uninteresting. The 
lead-mines were worked in ancient times\ and are still in a 
flourishing state : a certain amount of silver is obtained, in spite 
of Strabo's scepticism as to the mines of Ida': the operatives 
are for the most part Greek islanders, and the metal is sent 
down to Akchai for shipment*. 

We knew nothing of the ancient town save the name 
Ergasteria^ till an inscription • revealed the existence of a 5^/iao9 
KoX fiovXfi T^9 TlepLxO'PO'^^ca^t and its history is still a sealed 
book. A local Zeus Kpa^-y^vo^^ is the only trace of its religion. 

Three miles below the town on a long and lofty spur of rock 
at the junction of the Kara-ddr^ and Deirmendere stand the 
imposing ruins of a once impregnable Byzantine castle, over- 
looking a small and ruinous Roman bridge across the larger 
stream. The castle rock is almost severed from the adjoining 
hills, and on the Kara-d^r^ side drops almost sheer, so that little 
fortification is there necessary. The Balia side is also steep, but 
is defended by a massive wall and towers of roughly squared 
blocks, supported by a projecting breastwork on a lower level. 
Dr Wiegand detected Hellenic work in the lower courses. 

Somewhere in this hill-district, probably, stood Antigonia 
" a fortress of the Cyzicene fifty stades distant from 
the western sea'. Our only authority for it is 
Stephanus, whose mention of the "western sea" and the Cyzicene 
is inconsistent with the distance of 50 stades. The " western 
sea " is defined by Strabo* as the Aegean and the outer Helles- 
pont, but Cyzicene territory never, so far as we know, extended 
to within this distance of it. Radet, keeping the distance, places 
Antigonia at Debleki, but mere figures are always likely to be 
carelessly transcribed by a person ignorant of the locality. 

^ Munro 169. ' p. 603. 

' Mordtmann (Ausland, 1851, p. 851) gives some interesting particulars of the 
primitive conditions of mining at Balia fifty years ago. 

* Galen de Medic, Simpi. ix. 117; cf. Hierocles. 

' A,E, Miith, XVIII. 118 etc. = Inscr. ill. 18. ' Inscr. iv. 8, 9. 

' Steph. Byz. s.v. *kmyw€ia. 

* P* 5^3 ^ ^ iairtpla BiXa^ffa 6 n 'BXX^Torr6f iarof 6 ($u xai t6 A/y«uor 



For the topography of the Cyzicus district, the site of 
Poemanenum is a most important point, on which 

Pocmanenum. • * 

no Clinching evidence is as yet forthcoming. It is 
important firstly for the elucidation of the Roman road system 
in Asia, and secondly for the geography of the Prankish and 
Turkish wars. 

The name, which is very variously spelt*, is obviously an 
ethnic*, and like so many in this district has affinities in North 
Greece*. The simplest and most obvious derivation is from 
7rot/Ai)v though in imperial times an eponymous hero Poemes* 
was as usual invented, whose art type follows that of Cyzicus. 

We have practically no records of the earlier history of the 
place*. There are autonomous coins bearing the types of Zeus 
and a thunderbolt, while a small imperial coinage testifies to the 
worship of Asklepios, which is mentioned by Aristides*: we 
may perhaps assume from the general character of local religious 
monuments that the Zeus was of the tfeov iy^iaro^ type, often 
connected with the healing art and naturally identified later 
with the more human Asklepios^ 

We may imagine the place, then, as the Ko^fioTroXi^ of an 

' nogiwipr^ (Xi^pof?) Aristidcs, Hierocles. Phemenio Tatx Pent., Pomenion 
Rav. Anon. Notitiae have Tlotftamfpov, Uoitmpiov, Iloifianiiot, llQ^fuu^^^^ 
' Plin. N,//, V. 3^, Pocmaneni. 

* Stephanus mentions a mountain Poemenium and a tribe Poemenii in Macedonia. 

* Zeitsckr, fur Num* III. 113. 

* Radet, however (p. 10), with Raoul Rochette (iv. 314) considers it a Hellenistic 
Macedonian colony, relying on the jaxiapotition of Poeroaneni Macedones in Phny. 

* I. 503 (Dindorf). Imperial coins bear alM> the types of Tele^phorus, Eros, and 

^ The Zeus of Hadrianutherae seems to have undergone a simiUr development. 

8— a 


essentially village folk, with the " holy and celebrated " temple of 
Asklepios as its centre-point, enjoying a nominal autonomy 
under the suzerainty of Cyzicus. 

Stephanus Byzantius, some centuries later, speaks of Poema- 
nenum as (i) '7r6\*9 riroi (^povpiov, (2) can Be Koi j^topiop T179 
Kv^Uov. Since no site proposed hitherto has succeeded in 
satisfying the conditions of both the Roman road-post and the 
Byzantine fortress, it seems preferable to take these descriptions 
as referring to separate places within the territory of the 
Poemaneni — we know that this was extensive from a boundary- 
stone* which shews that they were neighbours of the Mileto- 

We should, therefore, look for two sites, one strategic and 
the other religious in character*. The fortress is the Poema- 
nenum mentioned so frequently in the Byzantine histories — 
while the village temple, once sacred to Asklepios, became a 
church of S. Michael* (who has certain affinities with the 
Pergamene god*), and the seat of a Byzantine bishopric of 
which we have record as late as 1380*. 

Hamilton' was the first to identify the ruins at Eski Manyas, 
The casUe. ^^^^ miles Herth of the lake, with Poemanenum. 
Eski Manyas. j^jg argument rests mainly on the similarity of 
name — a form Tlotfjuiviov occurs in several episcopal lists' — 
and his attribution seems to me correct so far as concerns the 
fortress : it is followed by Dorigny*, by Kiepert in his Westliche 
Kleinasietiy and lately by Dr Wiegand. Ramsay accepts the 
identification, but on account of the road difficulties, which 
concern the village, doubts the correctness of the position of 
Manyas on the map. 

The castle of Eski Manyas occupies an immensely strong 

* Inscr. VI. 7. 

' Ramsay quotes a somewhat similar case from Phrygia, p. 588. 

* G. Acrop. B. 37, ch. xxii. 

^ iw Tott fA4ptff-i ToO Xloc/ionyroO. The churches of S. Michael at Ulubad, 
Syki and Tepejik, are still slept in by sick and insane people : see also M. Hamilton, 
Incu^ion^ p. 139 if* for instances of S. Michael's succession to Asklepios. 

* Acta Pair, Const. I. 18 : an abbot of S. Peter's at Poemanenum is also mentioned 
in Cone. Nic. 1 1. 

* II. 105. ^ Notit. IX., XIII. and one MS. of viii. 
' Hev. Arch. 1877, 103. 


position on a steep and lofty spur of the Manyas Dagh, shewing 
a conical front covered with brushwood towards the plain and 
lake. This spur is separated by steep valleys from the sur- 
rounding hills, and joined to them behind only by a low and 
narrow isthmus. Up the westernmost of the two ravines goes 
a horse-path in the direction of Balukiser. Fortifications are 
traceable all the way round the top of the castle hill, enclosing 
an oval space some 300 yards in length, though the side of the 
isthmus (north) is alone defended by considerable ruins of the 
enceinte : even here the approach to the castle from the isthmus 
is steep. This part of the wall is defended by five square towers, 
solidly built, though cracked and tottering through earthquakes. 
Their lower courses are of granite and old marble blocks, in- 
cluding several rows of small columns built in endways : the 
upper portions are of rubble. The two westernmost towers 
appear to have flanked the only gate. Outside the fortification, 
on the north side of the isthmus, are plentiful remains of a 
settlement, including a mosque, according to Mordtmann built 
by Murad I.S and a turbeh, with three d^d^s, traditionally erected 
to the memory of the faithful who fell in the last assault on the 
fortress. The modern village, a humble settlement mainly com- 
posed of Circassians, lies beneath the castle on the foot hills 
above the plain. 

Munro says': ''the fortress is admirably placed to command 
both the road westwards between the lake and the hills and the 
road southwards up the Macestus valley, and to dominate the 
whole plain between the Kara Su and the Macestus' : it must 
have been one of the most important of the ring of strongholds 
with which the Byzantine emperors encircled the great plain... 
the regular mustering ground of their forces and the base of 
their operations in the Turkish wars." 

This description suits Annas ^povpiov ipvfiporarov, Ville- 

> Am/ofuft 1855, 5^7* Dorignytook it for a Byzantine church; it is an ill-built 
ttnicture about 1 5 '00 m. long and consisting of four domes arranged as a headless cross ; 
of a second mosque on the isthmus only the minaret remains. 

' p. 160. 

' It also blocked the crossing of the hills to the plain of Balukiser, a tempting 
route for the Turkish raiders, if not for a regular army. 


hardouin's " moult fort Chastiau vers la Plaine " and the general 
importance of Poemanenum much better than Lentiana^ with 
which Munro identifies Manyas. 

Lentiana was never a fortress of capital importance. The 
first notices of it (in Anna Comnena) speak of it 
as a district rather than a town or fort — the Turks 
march Sm t&v Aevriavoiv from Cyzicus to Poemanenum* and 
ravage the plain irepl tov^ irpcnroBa^ twv Xevrtav&v koX t^9 
KoroipaKia<;* KaKovfiivrj^'. Villehardouin, whose accounts of 
the earlier campaigns of the Crusaders in Asia is much more 
detailed than Nicetas', does not mention Lentiana at all, so 
Acropolita's recital of the places which fell into the hands of 
the Latins* should, therefore, be taken "the Lentiana country 
up to Lopadium," whether or not it includes the hills of 
Poemanenum as Ramsay's map implies. The character of the 
name suggests a large estate in the district — perhaps " (praedia) 
Lentiana'," which may have occupied the eastern part of the 
Manyas plain. 

It is first mentioned as a fortress (rh acrv t£v AcvtulvAv) 
in Acropolita's account of the siege in 12 14', and after the 
recapture by Vatatzes it does not appear again. It may well 
have been built during the Prankish occupation or by the 
Byzantines during the truce as a link between Poemanenum 
and Lopadium, for this was evidently its position^ 

The only known ruin which coincides with what we know 

of Lentiana is the castle of Top-Hissar*, two hours 

west of Mihallitch, which guards the ford of the 

Kara-d^r^, and the bridge over its tributary which took the 

road from Cyzicus eastwards. This ruin occupies a small knob 

* XIV. 5. 

' Tomaschek, p. 94, conjectures rcrdcypaucla, comptring Theoph. 385 TcrBo- 
ypaucoi and Const. Porph. de Th€m, Obseq,^ who connects the F/Mukoi with the 
Gnnicus — too far west for the present operations. 

' Anna Comnena xv. i. ^ Ch. vii. 

* The 2^o^it XP^t«4 (Sathas Meo^. B<^X. vn.), thoogh following Acropolita 
closely, calls the place consistently O^oXcrricvil. 

* Ch. xvi. ; cf. ^poCpiw in ch. xlvi. ' Cf. Acrop. vii. 

* The ''Doulocui" identified by Mannert (vi. iii. 543) with Poemanennm; 
Mttnro found Byzantine remains there, and late detail is built into the mosque below 
the castle. 


of rock above the marshes at the junction of the rivers. Inside 
the walls is a cistern lined with cement. On the south front 
three towers, the curtain between them, and traces of a breast- 
work in front can be made out. The walls are built of rubble 
faced with small stones badly jointed : the conspicuous eastern 
tower is decorated with friezes of tile arranged in simple 
patterns. The construction resembles that of the castle com- 
manding the Macestus bridge at Tash Kapu. 

I incline to associate this site, " between two rivers," with the 
scene of Roger the Catalan's victory over the Turks', though the 
distance from Cyzicus (two leagues) is inadequate. Pachy meres* 
speaks of a " Tower of William " (an obviously Prankish name) 
as the scene of the battle. To aarv t£v Aetniapwv is of course 
rather a description than a name. 

If a suitable site can be found for Lentiana, the importance 
of Poemanenum, and the great strength of the fort 

Poemancnum. ^ - . 

at Manyas, leave no doubt of the identification of 
Poemanenum and Eski Manyas. The identification harmonises 
with all our Byzantine authorities for Poemanenum, for the 
loose writing of Nicetas, who seems to represent it as on the road 
of the Crusaders from Pegae to Lopadium*, is cleared up by 
Villehardouin : the latter tells us that they made their head- 
quarters at Panderma, and that it was an excursion thence 
which resulted in the battle beneath Poemanenum : it is con- ; 

nected in exactly the same way with Cyzicus in Anna VI. 13 I 

(where a forlorn hope is sent thence to recapture it) and in 1 

XIV. 5 (when the Turks retreat from Cyzicus to Poemanenum). ! 

So much for the fortress. I am, as I have hinted, inclined to : 

disagree with Dr Wiegand's estimate of the importance of Eski \ 

Manyas in classical times: the ruins are all Byzantine and 
Turkish, and the inscriptions may well have been carried. I 

Manyas is not, it seems to me, a natural road-centre: its 
direct communication south with Balukiser is a little used horse- 
track, while of the two high roads shewn passing through it, 
in Wiegand*s map\ the Pergamon-Cyzicus would more naturally 
pass west of the lake, while the ap)(aia fiaatXucri, as the later 

> Montaner. 103. * Andr, Pal, v. iis||. p. 41 7. 

* Post €apiam urbtm 8. ^ See above, Fig. 11. 


Turkish road-book shews, need never rise so far into the hills. 
I therefore look elsewhere for the village on the Pergamon 
road and the Phennenio of the Peutinger Table*. From its 
connection with the road Poemanenum has been placed on 
the Aesepus at Gunen, an inscription" from which place has 
been restored with the name of the village. The characteristic 
letters are, however, wanting, and even if the restoration is 
correct it can only prove that the boundaries of the Poemaneni 
extended west to Gunen as they extended east to Miletupolis. 
Aristides again does not identify the "hot springs on the 
Aesepus" with the village of Poemanenum, which lay on his 
way thither. 

Now it has long been remarked that the plain of Manyas is 
full of inscriptions, and the walls of Manyas castle especially 
have been a happy hunting ground of the epigraphist. These 
inscriptions and the other worked blocks in the castle walls are 
assigned to Cyzicus, to which theory the important character 
of one inscription at least* gives colour : but the cross-country 
transport from Cyzicus involves labour and expense*, and the 
river route is very circuitous ; whereas the rough building 
of the castle walls gives the idea of a haphazard erection 
rather than of one where no trouble or expense was spared. 
I believe that the inscriptions from the plain come from 
village communities, and especially from the village of the 
Poemaneni possessing the temple of Asklepios, which may 
have been a shrine of political importance ; another inscription 
from Manyas commemorates the family of the Asclepiadae^ 

* We need not, perhaps, insist on the road having actually passed through it, onlf 
near enough for the village to have given its name to the stage. Such was evidently 
the case with the coast road which left Parium on the left hand (veterem Troiam 
linquentes a laeva. Anon. Canis. 517), and must surely have passed south of Ddikli 
Bair, never less than three miles from C3rzicus: nor can the Cius- Pergamon road have 
entered Apollonia ad Rhyndacum. Yet all these are stages in the road-book. 

■ Inscr. V. 58. 

* r. 19. 

* I have, however, found isolated stones at Panderma said to have come from 
Eski Manyas. 

* Inscr. I. lo. Cf. also ni. a8. /fiv. Arch. 34. io4 (4). Perhaps a local centre 
of the Commune Asiae in republican times, when Cyzicus, the natural centre, was 
still a free city. The Asiatic games called Soteria and Muciea might appropriately 


and a member of it, who lived in the first century B.C., is called 
oUiaTfj^ ; there is mention also of a temple of Asklepios and 
Apollo. Asklepios worship could not but have been established 
at Cyzicus itself in the period of Pergamene influence: but it 
may well have been introduced to the village community living 
round the temple of the deo^ inp^iaro^: (whose place Asklepios 
took) and Apollo in the first century B.C. If this Manyas 
inscription is indeed from the Poemanenum shrine that shrine 
cannot be far off the castle. 

The chroniclers of Frederick Barbarossa*s expedition* throw 
a fresh light on the relative position of the fortress and the 
village. The army, setting out from Lampsacus by Pegae to 
the great road about Susurlu, marched from Pegae in two days 
to the great river Anelonica (Aesepus) and so passing a " palus 
undique stagnans " to their camp* " inter oppidum Ypomenon et 
civitatem Archangelon," evidently the castle of Poemanenum 
(Manyas) and the town of S. Michael's Church ; the writer 
probably saw both from the camp, and on this assumption 
I would even hazard the suggestion that the camp was pitched 
on the low hill of Yeni Manyas which commands both the 
Kara-d^rd valley and the fortress of Eski Manyas. That the 
Crusaders kept to the plains is proved by the "via vallosa et 
lutosa " of Ansbcrt and the mention of the lake. They followed 
the reverse of the route followed by Chishuil, who passed through 
Manyas and Hammamli on his way to Sari Keui. The village 
is then to be sought west of Manyas and near the lake, probably 
on the Kara-d^r^. Ramsay, quite apart from this evidence, has 
placed Poemanenum on the same river, while Munro' working 
from the journeys of Aristides opines that if the latter was 
on his way to Gunen, Poemanenum would fall about five miles 

be celebrated at a shrine of the Satnaur A&klepioi, and Ari&tide$ refen to the 
Poemanene god by this title. 

' Ansbert (ed. Dobrowsky). Tageno (Freher, Scriptorts Her, Germ,). Anon. 
Canisii (Theiaurus lit. 517, ed. 1738, Antwerp). 

* Ansbert has: ** inter civitatem Archangelon et castrum quoddam." The name 
Archangelos occurs again in Ducas 104, in the Ki/irot Mai'AMc^ot, and, with Angelo- 
chori, Angelocome, is evidence of the popularity of Michael in Asia. Cf. Ramsay's 
notes on his Phrygian inscriptions 404, 417, 678. 

» P. 168. 


north-west of Ilidja and again on the Kara-d^r^. Cramer' quite 
independently placed Poemanenum at Hammamli by Manyas, 
and Nicodemus of Cyzicus* placed Miletupolis near the same 
spot on account of the ruins and numerous inscriptions and 
coins found there and at Hadji Pavon or Pagon nearby*. Some 
such position harmonises well with what we know of the road 

The village of Alexa, on the left bank of the lower Karadere 
about an hour below Suleimanly, still seems to me the most 
likely site: Alexa is one of many settlements which have been 
attracted by the rich grasslands of the broad valley, here sepa- 
rated from the plain and lake of Manyas only by the low ridge 
on which Hadji Pagon stands. Overlooking the valley just west 
of the village is a hill crowned by a grove of small but well- 
grown oaks, a peculiarity shared by none of the surrounding 
hills : though the valley at this point is said to be full of ancient 
remains right down to and even beyond the river, this particular 
hill is considered the best place for stones, and rubble founda- 
tions are visible in a clearing among the trees. Such a site, 
facing due south, and enjoying, as I was told, immunity from 
the fevers of the lake plain, is perfectly suitable for a temple of 
Asklepios, whatever truth there may be in the villagers' story 
of an ancient hatntnam discovered on the slope of the hill : the 
grove of oaks, again, may well be referred to the ancient Zeus 
who appears on the autonomous coinage, while the inscriptions 
of the river-god Enbeilus^ perhaps point to a still earlier period 
of religious thought. 

The comparative paucity of inscribed stones — worked marble 
blocks are common in the village and at the neighbouring 
Tchaoush-kcui — is accounted for by the newness of the settle- 
ment and earlier plundering of the site by the villagers of the 
plain, possibly also by the builders of the castle. The assembly 
of the god may survive in the horsefair held in the valley five 
days before the great fair of Manyas. 

* Asia Minor ^ I. 37. 

* npoXcT^Mcaw wtfk -nfi 'Erapxlat r^s Kv^ov, 1876, cf. also Inscr. iv. 67. 

* Hadji Bunar on Kiepert's map. 

* Inscr. IV. 78. 

XIl] ALEXA 1-3 

I may here mention that just above the modern fern* are 
said to be the remains of an ancient bridge: the river being 
high at the time of my visits, the piers were not visible and 
I was only shewn very questionable remains of the northern 
abutment The ancient main road probably crossed above the 
village to take advantage of the low way across the hills by 
Chakyrja and Hadji Pagon — the course of the modern route to 

The coins shewn me in the village included several imperial 
coins of Cyzicus and a much worn autonomous brass of Poema- 
nenum itself, which, though no evidence alone, is of some rarity 
and serves to confirm my theory as to the site. 

Later than the twelfth century prudence may have dictated 
a removal of the settlement and perhaps the bishopric to the 
shadow of the castle (as in the case of Miletupolis and Hadrianu- 
thcrae), where the ruined mosque now stands. The town of 
Manyas, mentioned among the towns of Karassi taken by 
Orkhan, evidently refers to the hill settlement, whose decay has 
only recently transferred the seat of local government once 
more to the plains (Yeni Manyas). Dorigny records that 
within living memory there were 800 houses at Eski Manyas. 
The great horsefair held at Manyas in the early part of June* 
has now at any rate no religious character, but, like that at 
Sari-keui, keeps to the place consecrated by tradition ; and in 
each case this place is near the site of a famous ancient shrine. 

' Called Kushu Pamair rrom a root meaning to rum, commemorating the horse* 
races which used to be held in connection with the fair* not (as Cuinct) from 
gush s bird. 



Having settled so far as possible the sites of the towns, we 
will attempt to apply to them the Roman road system, taking 
as our text the Peutinger Table, which represents the reformed 
routes of Constantine and his successors, and making such 
digressions as are necessary to illustrate the conditions of 
travelling before and after this epoch. We may postulate at 
the outset that unless valid reasons are forthcoming to the 
contrary the direction of modern "araba roads" is regarded 
as the best evidence of that of the ancient highways^ The 
figures of the Table are so corrupt throughout that they can 
hardly be admitted as evidence. 

The high road between Lampsacus and Cius is thus laid 
I. The coMt down by the Table : Parium, 22 — Priapus, 1 5 — 

Road. Granicus, 27 — Cyzicus, 48 — [Lamasco], 23 — 
Prousias, 20 — Cius, 25. 

With this we may compare (i) the "mansiones" on the 
route of Theodore of Studium in 796* — rd Kadapa, Aifitavd^ 
AevKaiy <t>vpalov, 17 IlavXa, AovrrdSiov (sic), Ti\i^, ^AXxepi^a, 
* Avay€ypap.fA€voi, Tlepvepiva, ro Tlapiov, '^OpKO^, AafM^^atco^f 
"AfiuSo^ — and (2) Hadji Khalfa's itinerary* between Brusa and 
the Dardanelles, which runs : 

Beylik (plain) 3 hrs, Karagatch Baglari 6, Ulubad bridge 2^, 
Saribey (province of Kermasti) 4, Saldcr [Salyr] near Belgik 
[Boljak, Hamilton's Beuljas], province of Manyas, river [Acsepus] 

^ The modem post-roads are (i) Panderma— Balakiser; (3) {a) Panderma and 
{6) Erdek, Aidinjik, Mihallitch, Brasa, with a branch from opposite Aboulliond to 
Triglia and Mudania; (3) Mihallitch, Kermasti Susurlu (the last section nearly 
finished); (4) Karabogha — Bigbashehr; (5) (in construction) Balukiser— Soma. 

■ Letters, I. 3. • II. 530. 


Korpe (Agatch)* and wocnden bridge near Vedjan [Yurtan?], 
province of Kunan [Gunen] 4^, Geserkukergenlik [cf. Yazili 
Gulgen Dagh at the head of the pass in Kiepert's map] 6^, 
Dimetoka 6J, Couroudere 4^, Goregi [Guredje] by the sea 6, 
Tchardak, Bergas 4, Sultaniyeh [Dardanelles] 5. 

In the century between the first crossing of the Turks into 
Europe and their estabh'shment at Constantinople, this road was 
especially important, as connecting Brusa with Adrianople*. To 
this period belongs the khan at Chardak opposite Gallipoli, 
which, according to Turner', strongly resembles that at Ulubad. 

In the first section it will be noted that Theodore's route 
only reaches the sea at Parium, omitting Priapus : the Crusaders 
under Barbarossa who crossed at Gallipoli and, abandoning 
their vehicles, marched in three days through " wooded and 
mountainous country*' to the plain of the Granicus, passed 
inside of Parium^ also, while the Turkish route does not strike 
the coast before Giirelje : so that the Table is the only evidence 
of the inclusion of Priapus on the main road, and that evidence 
is somewhat impugned by (i) the site of Didymateiche (which 
is earlier evidence for an important crossing of the river near 
this point) and by (2) the only relic of this section of the Roman 
road — the bridge of Ak-Kupru near Bigha. 

Chishull* contents himself with a bare mention of this bridge 

(which he crossed on his way from Smyrna to 

Adrianople), attributing the building to Mohammed 

IV.; "here," he continues, "are to be observed the marks of a 

^ I have transferred *'agatch*' from the preceding line: the French translation of 
Hadji Khal£i (p. 736) has it in both places. 

* Cf. the routes of Barbarossa, Schiltberger (p. 6) and Cyriac (Colucci LXXXIV.) 
to Bnisat and Chishull's from Smyrna. The importance of Gallipoli <and conse* 
quently of the ferry between it and Chardak) U dwelt on by Clavijo, p. ^8. The 
ferry is noticed by Zosimus (1419 — ai, in Iiin. /fusses), p. 307; Belon, n. ii. ; De Lan- 
noy, p. 119; Sandys, a6; Tournefort, t. 463, and Pococke, lU in. 

* ni. ail, cf. Castellan, I. 176; Walpole, 91; ChishuU, 59. 

^ '*Ad laevam nostram Troiam relinquentes,'* Ansbert. **Veterero Troiam lin> 
quentes a laeva/* Anon Canis. No milestones arc known from the section Lamp- 
sactts — Granicus, and Alexander's route from Abydos {/4na6. I. a. 6) by iVrcote 
(Bergaz), Lampsacus?, Colonae, (Arabadurah? Judeich) and Hermaeun (Ga&melyde- 
ressi? Judeich) does not help us until the two latter points are definitely fixed. 

* p. 60. 

126 ROADS [CH. 

Royal way denoted by two equal and regular barrows on each 
side, by which lies the Grand Signior's road to the wars." 

The best description of the bridge, which has been steadily 
disappearing, is Turner's", who calls it "a very magnificent 
Roman bridge built with brick and small stones and cased 
with large squares of fine marble. It consisted of eight arches, 
four large ones over the river, and four small ones, two at each 
end, at the extremities on land : the largest arch was of eighteen 
paces' span and eight in width : it was irregular, for it was one 
of four with none large enough to correspond with it. The 
pressure on the bridge was lightened by small arches built 
immediately under the pavement." 

Tchihatcheff in 1847 noted "restes d'un trfes-beau pont 
antique...^ Tendroit 011 la route conduit de Guendje 4 Dimotica: 
ce pont repose sur trois arcs et il s'est ^crouW k sa moiti^'." 

Janke speaks of the bridge in the following terms: "Am 
linken Ufer stehen noch mehrere Bogen mit runden Gewolben 
aus Ziegel, wahrend die Pfeiler auf schon behauenen, i m. langen, 
i m. hohen, Steinen ruhen. Oben ist die Strassenanlage einge- 
sturzt. Auf dem rechten Ufer steht noch ein Pfeilerrest dessen 
Unterbauten besonders regelmassig scheinen." 

The most noteworthy relic of the bridge in 1906 (when I 
passed it) was a small arch of the western abutment with the 
adjoining pier. The span of the arch was 270 m., and the width 
of the roadway, which was traceable by its bounding walls for 
some yards, 7*40. The outer voussoirs of the arch with the 
whole face of the bridge had been stripped off, revealing a vault 
of brick. A few of the lower courses inside the arch were of 
stone, but the upper part of the bridge so far as it existed was 
of very rough rubble with tile carelessly used. This may have 
led Kiepert to consider the bridge Turkish — he like Chishull 
ascribes it, presumably on local tradition, to Mohammed IV. 
(1648 — 1687) — and it may well be that it was extensively re- 
paired in Turkish times on account of the importance of the 
road. But Turner's description of the remains in his day seems 

^ p. 306 : the bridge is mentioned also by Tezier (Univtrs in. 155) and as y4^vpa 
TwwTplup dy^lbiop in Xht* Awar o\iK^* KvaB tdtpriv i% (1885), No. 1 13. 
' Asie Mineure^ 1. 111. 


to be good evidence that we have here a bridge of the same 
period as those at Sultan-Chair and on the Aesepus. 

The valleys of the Granicus and its tributaries are the 
natural outlets of the thickly populated hill country on this 
side of the watershed, and the natural roads to the passes. 
One of these — connecting the Kale Peuke at the head of the 
Scamander with the plain — is mentioned by Strabo^ and the 
modem routes to Adramyt — vii Avunia and Tchanbazar re- 
spectively — shew their general direction. Theodore's dvofft- 
ypafifihfoi (sc ariXoi?) may refer to some sign-post marking 
the distances to various points on the routes which drew 
together in the plain. 

From here eastwards to the bridge at Lopadium the road is 
double, the northern branch passing by Cyzicus, the southern 
behind the lake. Already in Hellenistic times we have record 
of the northern as 0S09 ffaatXacrf &>9 Alaijirov and of the 
southern as oSo^ fiatriKifcrj ^ dpxaia — probably the old Persian 
road to Dascylium*. 

The official route in the Table is the northern, while the 
southern is given by Hadji Khalfa in whose time Sultanyeh 
(Dardanelles) was the objective and Cyzicus no longer of 

(a) The northern route probably followed the coast through- 
out as far as Cyzicus: its modern substitute — the araba-road 
between Bigha and Panderma — does so up to Musatcha, where 
it climbs by easy gradients to the level of the plain, and crossing 
the head of the Sazli-dere, forks shortly after to Aidinjik and 
Panderma. The only known ancient milestones are those found 
at Aidinjik and behind Tchaoush Keui, rather implying that the 
Roman road adhered to the coast and, picking up the line of 
the modern road below Aidinjik, passed over the western mole 
into the city. 

The only fixed point on the Roman road is the crossing of 
Guvertchin ^'^^ Acscpus about j J milcs abovc the mouth. Here 
^^v^^' are still to be seen considerable remains of the 

Roman bridge (Guvertchin Kupru) which carried this road 
across the river. Its direction is about K.S.E. by E. and though 

* p. 603. • /^M. Mitth, 1 904, 178 f. 

128 ROADS [CH. 

no main arch is preserved in its entirety, the remaining piers — 
only one has fallen — still stand to their fall height and even 
preserve the sections of the roadway intact 


Fic. 14. Aesepus Bridge. Sketch Elevation. 

The main stream is spanned by four arches solidly built of 
rubble faced with granite ashlar and vaulted with the same 
material. The westernmost, which was the only one accessible 
at the time of my visit, has a span of 12-20 metres, the height of 
the pier (footing- course to roadway) being about 800m, The 
roadway was home on four slab-roofed vaults parallel to the 
direction of the bridge. The third pier from the west bank has 
fallen. The piers are planned with sharp triangular cut-waters 
against the stream, while on the lower side they are furnished 

Fia 15. Aesepus Bridge. View frou North. 

with blunt buttresses of hexagonal plan presenting a flat face 

The stream at this point passes close under the west bank, so 


that the western abutment is short It is pierced by a small 
arch and half-arch with tile vaults, the outer voussoirs being 
alternately stones and groups of tiles ; this is the construction 
used throughout in the less massive bridge at Sultan-Chair. 

The eastern abutment is much longer than the western, and 
is well preserved (though much overgrown) right up to the main 
stream, a distance of 58 metres. The westernmost pier (4) is of 
a different type to the others, having a low, squat cut-water with 
sloping profile ; both this and the next westernmost are relieved 
by vaults running across the bridge : these vaults are completely 
masked on the stream side, but on the down side are made 
conspicuous by the alternate tile and stone voussoirs we have 
before alluded to. The arch between (span 1220) is treated 
in the same manner, and this construction is continued in the 
culvert arches, gradually decreasing in size, which support the 
extremity of the abutment One of these is completely over- 
grown and is conjecturally indicated on the key-sketch. 

Fic. 16. Aesicpus Bridge Detail op Piers. 

The roadway is built of large .stones, only occasionally 

squared, and is about 560 metres wide: at the end of the 

eastern abutment are remains of an extdra in brick (paralleled 

at the Sangarius bridge near Sophon') round which the road 

• Texier, Atii Mintttn, pi. iv. 

1 30 ROADS [CH. 

forks. An upright cylindrical stone 0*80 m. high and 0*40 m. 
in diameter stands beside it and may have been intended to 
record repairs. 

The road from between the bridge and Cyzicus is still to 
some extent the original Roman way. It is paved with small 
round stones to a depth of 5 or 6 inches, well pounded or rolled 
together in earth. The road commands magnificent views of 
the Aesepus embouchure and the peninsula of Cyzicus ; it 
was till quite lately the usual route between Panderma and 
Bighashehr: a lower route fording the Aesepus at its mouth 
and striking inland at Musatcha is now preferred. 

Two hours east of the bridge, behind Tchaoush-keui, are 
remains of an old Turkish khan^ near which in a cemetery stands 
the 13th milestone from Cyzicus. 

From Cyzicus the road struck inland, avoiding the hill 
country of the Karadagh (which leaves no room for a road 
between it and the sea), so that the bracketed (Lamasco), 
obviously interpolated from the heading, should probably be 
supplied by Lopadium. 

This section (Cyzicus — Lopadium) allows of some choice of 
route, as the plain country is easy : the present post-road makes 
for the gap by Debleki and in general avoids villages ; the old 
Turkish highway, and probably the Byzantine before it, passed 
through Akchebunar and over a low hill to the northern 
tributary of the Kara Su, which it crossed just before the 
junction of the streams by the bridge beneath the fort of 
Top-Hissar' ; thence to Ulubad, probably crossing the Macestus 
at Tchamandra' (the Mandrae of Hierocles?) where Perrot found 
the 25th milestone, and whence a road still runs to Top Hissar. 

The southern branch of the loop crosses difficult mountain 

^ It seems to date from the xv.-xvi. cent. : the walls are ashlar faced and about 
1*00 m. thick : they stand to a height of about 3*00 m. and seem to have enclosed a 
rectangular space about 20 x 10 m. divided by arcades in the long side walls into 
6 compartments: every other pier supported a transverse arch which took the 

* Cf. Gerlach, 356, and Texier, C/niv. Pitt, xii.. III. 163: the latter remarks 
traces of the old causeway. 

> A possible ancient crossing near Beykeui (perhaps that of the southern road) 
may be suggested: a causeway built with exceedingly hard cement and leading to 
the river was found there some years ago. 


country between the Granicus and Aesepus (which it passed 
near Sarikeui), as is evidenced by the difference of a single hour 
in the standard times between Bigha-Gunen (12) and Bigha- 
Panderma (13)*. 

This was presumably the route followed by Alexander and 
Barbarossa', both making for the southern roads probably by 
way of the Macestus valley (see p. 121). 

From the Aesepus the Turkish road passed south of the 
Manyas lake, crossed the Macestus some six miles south of 
Mihallitch and rejoined the northern branch of the loop at 

Beyond Ulubad a straight road over first plain, then fertile 
rolling country, leads to Brusa. Karagatch and Apollonia are 
left on the right, and nearly opposite the latter a new road 
branches to Mudania, reaching the sea at Triglia. Of the khan 
on this road, and near Ulubad, we have spoken above'. 

The Macestus valley road, connecting Cius (and Cyzicus) 
II. MaeettuB with (i) Pergamon and (2) Thyatira and Smyrna, 
vaiity RMd. jg |j^jj ^q^j^ \yy the Table as follows : Apollonia, 

Miletupolis (20), Hadrianutherae (33), Pergamon (8). The 
general line of this road is that marked out by Nature for 
the intercommunication of the northern and western ports of 
Asia Minor: it has varied comparatively slightly from age to 
age in accordance with the changes in market centres and 
especially of shipping ports. 

In ancient times, as in modem, the branches serving the lake 

plains joined where the valley narrows: the road 

from Cius was identical with the coast-road as far 

as the bridge at Lopadium, where it turned south over the low 

hills by Melde to cross the river at Tashkapu above Susurlu. 

Ruins of the bridge, guarded by a small castle of mediaeval 
suitftn.chair date, ou the cliff of the western bank, still remain, 
^*^^' though in a very dilapidated state. Earthquakes 

are probably in part responsible, while subsc^quent blasting 

' The route preferred for wheeled traffic between Bigha and Gunen keeps to the 
coast up to the Aesepus and then ascends the valley. 

' Probably also by Theodore as he makes no mention of a »iop at Cyzicus. 
" p. 84. 

9— a 

132 ROADS [CH. 

operations, with a view to the canalization of the river for 
the transport of boraciteS have removed the centre portions 
almost completely. The bridge was a substantial structure of 
fifteen arches, built of rubble faced with granite blocks ; and 
measuring with abutments about 300 metres : the piers are 
provided with long cut-waters on the stream side, and lightened 
by transverse vaults immediately below the footway. The 
vaults are of brick from about a foot above the spring, the outer 
voussoirs above this point being of alternate tile and stone : the 
spandrels are relieved by smaller transverse vaults with voussoirs 
of stone and tile alternately, giving a very decorative effect*. 
The Cyzicus section, which must in Greek times have been 
far the most important, is represented by a small 

Ousel Kupni. , . , - , / n / ^^ i -r^ -v . 

bridge of two arches (called Guzel Kupru*) just 
south of Debleki, and some hundred yards west of the present 
chaussie. This bridge lies nearly north and south and measures 
with abutments about 52 metres by 4*30 wide; it is built of 
irregularly shaped stones: the upper portion dates evidently 
from Turkish times, and the arches are slightly pointed. The 
central pier with its cut-waters is faced with rusticated blocks. 
At the north end stands a Roman road-mark, possibly in situ, 
which may have served rather as a record of road repairs than 
as a milestone. 

From here the joint-road again kept slightly west of the 
present, avoiding the pass of Demir Kapu. Remains of it were 
seen above Omerkeui and on the Balukiser side of the pass by 

Arrived in the plain the road forked, {a) to Pergambn, 
inevitably by the pass of Kiresun, and {b) to the south to 
Calamus and Thyatira. For the course of this road in mediaeval 
times between Calamus (Gelembe) and the Balukiser plain we 
have only one authority. S. Theodore of Studium on his 
way from Smyrna to Constantinople' in 819 performed sundry 

* Cf. Cuinet, IV. 69. 

* A plan and elevations of the bridge are shewn in Wiegand's pi. xxiv. (see Fig. 1 7). 

* See Wiegand's fig. 39, p. 996. * 165, cf. Piicklei^Muslcau, 396. 

B See Vita S, T/uod, (Migne, Pair, Graec, xcix., [a) p. 9o8, § 111 if., (^) p. 303, 




U (Wll 



miracles among the villages on this part of his route, the follow- 
ing points, in no very distinct order, it is true, being mentioned : 

1. ToTro? Tov AaKKou in the district Mirdra: in the neigh- 
bourhood was the hill district of 3ffpo\oif>oL 

2. HreXiai, a village suffering frequently from the floods of 
the neighbouring river ^Ovottvikti]^. 

3. In the neighbourhood was a xtofitf 'A^^cipdoi. The 
second Life mentions not 'A^cipcuo but Merecoptv, which was 
"beside the high road." 

1. ToTFo? rod AoKKOv has been conjecturally identified by 
Tomaschek with the modern Courougueuljuk ("Dry-lake") on 
the old Smyrna-Constantinople road. Mirdra (= metata) is 
known from the account of the founding of Hadrianutherae to 
refer to the Royal Chase of Hadrian. 

2. UrcXeai may plausibly be connected with the name of 
the modern Eftele in the broad valley of the Hodja-d6r^ ('Oyo- 
•jrwiCTi;?), while 

3. Kdfiff *Ax€ipd<o can hardly be other than the later military 
centre called *Axypdov^. Other considerations tempt us to 
identify this with the castle of Hodja Kalesi within three miles 
of Eftele*. 

The line thus given varies but slightly from the mediaeval 
and modem route, and the coincidence of so many minute 
points gives some weight to the argument. The road to Soma 
may have turned off at or near the castle, and have taken the 
modem line by Kiresun ; since we find that Achyraus was a 
stage not only on the road to Calamus', but also on that to 

The crossing routes given by Hadji Khalfa^ shew an almost 
exact correspondence with the ancient roads. They 
run as follows : 

(l) MihaUitch'Magnesia, Ulubad, Susurlu Chai crossing, 
pass, Mendoura, Kuruguljuk, Bash Gelembe, Belamut Manisa*. 

' Sec Mbove, p. 93. 

^ Acr. 195 B., roOt rov KoXdM^v /9ovr«6f wa^funfffv gal rift *Axvpiovt /TTvt iwif^aro 

' Cf. the Catalans' march to Genne (G. Pachy. 1 1. 435 B.). ^ P- 53i> 

• Edriii's route (p. 311) Lubadhia— Naria— Kalamata (Djclmata) river— is, ac- 
cording to Tomaschek, identical, Naria being for Akira. 

1 34 ROADS [CH. 

(2) Brusa-Bergama. Karagatch, Ulubad, Tcheltikli, Balu- 
kiser, Bardakji, Tanhala, Gjaudir (Tchavdyr?), Belugik, Ber- 

In Turkish times the great road had two termini, Brusa and 
Mihallitch. The branch from the former took the line of the 
old road (Cius-Hadrianutherae) as far as the bridge of Ulubad : 
the Mihallitch branch was served by the small port on the left 
bank two hours below the town which took the bulk of the 
considerable traffic between Constantinople and Smyrna : the 
crossing of the Macestus just north of Mihallitch was effected 
by a massive early Turkish bridge, replaced already in Ouseley's 
time by one of wood, and now by a ferry : the abutments of 
this bridge and the long causeway of rubble with tile-arched 
culverts which formed its southern approach still remain, and 
parts of the road are roughly paved. 

Outside Mihallitch the two roads joined, and proceeded up 
the left bank of the river, crossing its tributary at Tash-Kapu 
immediately above Adakeui by a stone bridge. This bridge has 
been utilised for the new road now building between Kermasti 
and Susurlu, and much of the causeway has been destroyed for 
material. The bridge consists of one large arch flanked by two 
smaller: the arches are segmental and the voussoirs well cut 
and fitted, the rest being of rubble. 

The main river was crossed by " a bridge of six arches, or 
rather cheekes of stone, the covering flat and wood*," three- 
quarters of an hour below the junction of the Hatab-d6r^ and 
Susurlu Chai: the new (1906) bridge occupies the same position*. 

At Susurlu came in two secondary routes, from Panderma 
and the Dardanelles respectively. The latter passed through 
Eski Manyas^ and must have joined the Brusa-Dardanelles 

1 This route was followed by Ibn Batutah (p. 71). An old Turkish road from 
Kataya through Balat and Balukiser to the Dardanelles is mentioned by Sir Charles 
Wilson (p. 59): it is probably identical with Ibn Khordadbeh's Kutaya-Abidous 
route (ed. de Goeje, 75) and the road from Kutaya to *'Troy" between the south and 
west points seen by Bertrandon de la Brocquiire on leaving the former city. 

* Covel, 160: Wheler (p. 915) places it one or two miles from Susurlu. A bridge 
is also mentioned by De Thevenot (173), Toumefort (n. 487) and Egmont (188). 

' It is part of the new Kermasti -Susurlu post road: another bridge is in course 
of construction immediately above Susurlu. 

* Chishull's route, p. 58. Cf. Toumefort, i. 463. 


road in the Manyas plain ; the village of Eski Chatal (" Old 
Fork ") perhaps commemorates the point of junction. 

The great road then passed over the high ground just east 
of Omerkeui*, and so through the pass of Demir Kapu — a 
noted haunt of highwaymen— down to the plain of Balukiser*; 
the Smyrna route avoided the latter town in favour of the 
village of Mendoura, where it crossed the Hodja-d^r^. The 
bridge of Mendoura' consists of ten plain piers of rubble masonry 
provided with cut-waters against the stream and bridged by a 
rough wooden platform: it measures between abutments about 
80 metres. There are traces of an older bridge cutting in at 
an angle on the left bank. 

From Mendoura the road crossed the plain of Balukiser and 
passed over the hills through Courougueuljuk to Gelembe, 
thence through Magnesia to Smyrna. 

This route has naturally lost all its importance since the 
introduction of steam. Traffic from Balukiser southwards goes 
to Soma, the nearest point on the rail, while on the northern 
side Panderma is the {x>rt of shipment, not Mihallitch. Men- 
doura has sunk from a large village of 2600 inhabitants^ to a 
squalid hamlet, and Mihallitch is only concerned with the 
meagre traffic between Panderma and Brusa. 

In the days of sailing ships the overland route was, if slow, of 
more or less certain duration, and in point of safety the sea was 
no better than the land. There was a regular weekly caravan 
service between Constantinople and Smyrna in the seventeenth 
century', and a score of Frankish pens have described the route 
between then and now. The road was well provided with khans, 

' See Prokesch and Monro, and the French edition of Hadji Khalfa. The course 
of the new ckaussfe has deprived Omerkeni of all importance and transferred the 
Mudirete of Firt to Susurlu. 

* Dr Covel's account <the most detailed) shews that the old road passed through 
the gorge which the present road skirts at Demir Kapu. Lucas (1714, I. 184) 
remarks of Demir Kapu : ** On avoit eu sotn de le fortifier, non settlement d*un bon 
ChAteau, dont on voit encore les mines ; mais d'enferroer le passage avec une bonne 
porte b4tie de fort grosses pierres & soQtenu^ d'nne vofiie sous laquelle il falloit 
passer. II parott que cette voflte, dont il reste encore plus de 40 pieds de long, ^toit 
un rempart assur^ pour fermer I'entr^e de la Misie." This presumably refers to the 
castle at Tash-Kapu and the vaulted khan at Demir Kapu. 

' Pn>kesch 187, also mentioned in the French edition of Hatlji Khalfa. 

* Prokesch. * La BouUaye, p. 60. 

1 36 ROADS [CH. 

though none are constructed on the elaborate scale of the Seljuk 
caravanserais of the south. As these buildings are hastening to 
decay some particulars of them are here put on record. 

(i) Between Ulubad and Susurlu; "ein alter, viel besuchter, 
mit guten Brunnen versehener Khan^" 

(2) At Susurlu'; the khan at Susurlu is a rectangular 
building of rough stone about 40 x 15 metres, with a hip roof of 
low pitch supported by king-posts and an elaborate arrangement 
of struts. It is divided by a central row of pillars of timber and 
stone (resting on stone bases) into nine bays, of which the four 
at the northern end are partitioned off by a rough cross wall : 
on either side are narrow aisles slightly raised above the floor 
level, and divided off by rows of rough wooden posts. The 
walls are provided with numerous slit windows alternating with 
simply-corbelled chimney.-breasts of tile or stone. The entrance 
from the street is in the middle of the eastern side, and is pre- 
faced by a simple square porch flanked by low benches ; this 
porch is domed, and covered with a hip roof. Above the inner 
door (a low segmental arch with joggled voussoirs) is an Arabic 
inscription mentioning Haflz Mustafa Effendi and Bagtche Han. 

The smaller and less pretentious khan at Omerkeui is very 
similar in plan but lacks the porch. 

(3) Ruined khan at Demir Kapu*; Covel says of it (folio 
MS. 260 verso) : 

"In the lowest bottom of the valleys just over the spring to 
the left hand stands an old building: it contains 
two pretty big vaults parallell one to the other with 
their wall of partition at right angles with a third, 
all of a bignesse, and doores to pass from one to 
other : the great door of entrance is in the third, 
two chimneys in every vault : they count them 
as common Khanes, and often they prove so for Icbnog. 

theives, or they may have been made for some other designs." 

^ Prokesch 191. I know of no khan in this situation. 

' Touraefort 487, Hamilton 109, Texier 157, Cuinet, I v. 167. Egmont speaks of 
**two khans joining each other, one for horses and xnnles, the other for camels," as 
does Hamilton, adding that they had "rich doorways in the Saracenic style." This 
can hardly be taken of the two divisions of the existing khan, so one has probably 
been destroyed. 

> Egmont 187, Tournefort 488. 


This is probably the " Byzantine ruin '* mentioned by Pro- 
kesch (p. 1 88). I saw very slight remains of it in 1906 just 
below the guardhouse of Chinarli at the opening of the Demir 
Kapu valley. 

(4) At Mendoura: "a fair capacious Kane where are seven 
rude porphyry pillars thought to be of Trojan original*'*; 
again "a large and convenient Kane which is more to be 
noted for its seven large pillars of course porphyry now em- 
ployed to support the roof of this barbarous edifice but might 
possibly once stand in some Fabric of antient Troy from whence 
Mendoura is distant about ten hours." Wheler* is less com- 
plimentary, calling the khan ** no better than a large Barn with 
a Sopha or Bank round the Wall of it within... and every eight, 
or ten foot distance a little chimney... this Khan is held up in 
the middle by Marble Pillars set confusedly on their Corinthian 
capitals of very curious Work"." Hadji Khalfa and Covel speak 
of two khans here. The khan at Mendoura has been destroyed 
by earthquakes. I only saw (1904) one or two of the "rude 
pillars" and small remains of the walls. 

(5) At Sguimleskeui (between Courougueuljuk and Men- 
doura) " een groote Chan in het midden door acht groote ronde 
pilaren ondersteunt " : Egmont attributes it probably on the 
warrant of an inscription to "Sultan Amurat," perhaps the 
second of the name (1422 — 1450)*. 

(6) At Gelembe Luke speaks of two khans : he describes 
them as (i)"A very strong building of stone with a partition 
wall through the length of it rebated at the ends that you may 
go round it, raised by Sultan Aladine. (2) Another hane of 
meaner Fabrick near the river more frequented by travellers*." 

The scant remains of the second khan are now used as a 
warehouse. The old khan (Kara Khan) stands almost entire 
in the village street It is entered from the south by an oblong 
porch, ashlar-faced, dome-vaulted, and measuring about 7*50 m. 

' ChUhult, 5«. * p. 335. ' Cf. Tourncfort, 487. 

* p. 189. Egmont was travelling with an Orientalist, so that the date may rest 
on something more than a local tradition. 

* Hadji Khalfa, p. 483, also mentions two : the older building is noted by Chishull, 
p. S7t Prokesch, p. 18s, Ouscley. p. 53. 

138 ROADS [CH. 

broad by 4*50 long : the porch communicated with the street by 
a large slightly-pointed arch, and with the main building by a 
low segmental-headed doorway with joggled voussoirs: this 
is recessed in a larger arch of alternating tile and stone. The 
main hall measures about 26 m. long by 12*50 broad. It is 
built of rubble with squared quoins and a simply moulded 
string-course at the roof level : it had a low gjable. The interior 
is divided into two barrel- vaulted aisles by a wall extending 
nearly from end to end in the axis of the building. Into this 
are built four pilasters with elaborately moulded capitals which 
correspond with pilasters in the outer walls : the wall is pierced 
by a doorway in the middle of the central bay. The half bay 
at the S. end is curiously vaulted with a small central dome 
flanked by two oblong quadripartite vaults. 

If Luke read the (now vanished) inscription above the inner 
doorway correctly, it should refer to the Seljuk sultan who died 


The course of the road is at present the crowning difficulty 

III. Pergaznum ^^ Cyzicene topography : the country is difficult and 
—cysictts. insufficiently known, and any attempt at a solution 

of the problem must be considered as tentative. There is no 
official modem route for wheeled traffic across the watershed 
of Ida, the chaussie from Adramyt ending at Balia. 

The Table lays down the road as follows: Pergamon, 35 
Argesis, 30 Phemenio, — Cyzicus. 

(i) Argesis is certainly Argiza, the site of which is de- 
finitely fixed by Dr Fabricius' inscription^ at Balia Bazar on 
the upper Aesepus. 

(2) Phemenio is evidently Poemanenum, and probably at 
this date the village settlement, which we have identified with 
Alexa, on the left bank of the lower Tarsius. 

(3) Beyond this Galen' mentions a mining village on the 
road from Pergamum to Cyzicus (440 stades from the latter) 
called Ergasteria. 

The most important mining town in this district is Balia, 
which is about the right distance from Cyzicus ; its mines were 

^ in. 16. Cf. Wiegand, p. 973. 

- De MeeUcamenHs Sim^icibus, IX. 117. Cf. Hierocles. 


worked in antiquity'. The town lies on the head waters of the 
Tarsius, here quite a small stream and flowing in a compara- 
tively open valley, 

Argiza, however, also corresponds fairly well to the descrip- 
tion, and on the evidence of the Table alone I should certainly 
place Poemanenum at Gunen, since it is obvious that, once at 
Argiza, the road must follow the Aesepus, just as, once arrived 
at Balia, it would naturally keep near the Tarsius valley : this 
latter is indeed the natural direct route from Pergamum to 
Cyzicus by way of the pass at Ivrindi ; and there is some evi- 
dence of its having been adopted. 

Two ancient bridges' are marked on Kiepert's map, 

(a) below Ivrindi, and 

(d) below Balia. 
There are castles at 

(a) Gumenidj*, and 

(6) a few miles below Balia. 
We will assume, then, that an ancient road from Pergamum 
to Cyzicus passed through Balia. At the present time there 
are two chief lines of traffic between Panderma and Balia^ 

(i) by Gunen, 

(2) by Ilidja. 
Of these (i) is preferred by most travellers on account of the 
comparative comfort of a first stage by waggon and a night in 
Gunen: the second day's journey of 12 — 16 hours is made on 
horseback', either 

(a) by Hodja Bunar, or 

(d) by Urchanlar: 
the whole journey (Panderma-Balia) can just be made in one 
long summer day. 

* Munro, 169. There was a town near called Pericharaxis {A.^E, Mitik, xviii. 
398, etc.). Balia itself perhaps represents the Byzantine bishopric of Palaea ( Ramsay, 
Hisi, Geog. 438). 

' There are modem bridges at Hodja A&har and Ismail bey (Cuinet, 70). 
» J.HS. XXI. 134. 

* It must be remembered that Akchai, not Panderma, is the shipping port of 

* The road is not impossible for vehicles, but the driver who has traversed it takes 
great credit to himself, his horses, and his conveyance. 


Route (2) skirts the western shore of lake Manyas, passes 
through Hadji Pagon into the Kara-d^re, crossing the river by 
ferry or ford according to season, and leaves the valley at 
Boghazkeui, just before it closes to the gorge: thence by Assar 
Alan, Ilidja, and KaYlar to rejoin the valley above the gorge, 
and so beside the river to Balia. This road is throughout pass- 
able for vehicles, the only difficulties being the ascent from the 
valley at Boghazkeui and the descent into it at KaYlar. From 
Hadji Pagon to Balia is reckoned twelve hours, while from Hadji 
Pagon to Panderma is said to take but four in fine weather. 

An equally practicable road to Balukiser, much used by 
camels returning from Panderma, branches from the Hadji 
Pagon-Balia road at Assar Alan (three hours from Hadji 
Pagon), passes through Shamly and Dudar Chiftlik and reaches 
Balukiser in twelve hours from Hadji Pagon^ 

Evidence of an old route along these lines is to be found in 
the ruinous Byzantine castle at Assar Alan, and the series of 
Turkish stone bridges, resting very probably on earlier founda- 
tions, over the streams of the Manyas plain*. The road also 
connects the ancient sites at Alexa, Assar Alan and Ilidja. 

The road on which Argiza stood was probably the route 
from Cyzicus to Adramyttium, by way of the Aesepus valley, 
which road survives in the " constantly used " track from Edremit 
through Bazar Keui by way of the lower Aesepus*. Even 
waiving the Poemanenum diflSculty we are unable to combine 
the remains of the road about Balia with Argiza, the country 
between the two rivers being at this point almost impassable^ 
We can only conclude that Argiza was connected with the 
Pergamon road by a branch westward before Balia'. 

^ This and the chaussie are the only araba roads between Pandenna and Balu- 
kiser: there are horse paths by Eski Manyas and by Euren (Dere Yuruk Keui). 
' Between Kazakkeui and Kulafly. 

* J.H,S. XXI. 134. The coarse of the ancient road may be marked by the 
mediaeval ruins at Assar and Armudjuk Maden. 

*/.ff.S. XXI. «34. 

* Professor Ramsay {//isi, Ctog» 458) arrives at nearly the same conclusion, 
supposing a confusion of two roads both calculated from Pergamon to Cyzicus, viz. 

(i) Pergamum, Ergasteria, Argiza, Poemanenum, Cyzicus, 
(i) Pergamum, Adramyttium, Argiza, Poemanenum, Cyzicus, 
i.e., that the roads from Argiza to Cyticus were identical. 


The journeys of Aristides may most appropriately be dis- 
cussed in the section devoted to roads : the starting 
point of such a discussion is naturally the location 
of the orator's Mysian estates, whence his pilgrimages were 

The whereabouts of two of these can be determined with 
His estates. some Certainty : these are 
(i) His ancestral home, which was 

(a) near the temple of Zeus Olympius (I. 499), and 
(i) since he passed it on his way from the south to sacrifice 
on the top of the hill called Atys (l. 537), on the south side of 
this hill. 

(2) An estate called Laneum, also south of the hill of Atys 
(I. 499) and near the temple of Zeus (l. 532). It was distinct 
from (i) since its recent purchase is specially mentioned 

(I. 532). 

We may well assume that these two estates are the adjacent 

properties on a river mentioned in I. 546 — 7. 

Further, {a) they were close to Hadrianutherae, which lay on 
Aristides' route south : (d) the road thither was liable to flood 
(l. 458), and probably, therefore, lay across the plain. 

So much for the estates : we now turn to the journeys. 

(i) Aristides' journey to Cyzicus (55 miles) is made in the 
Route to following stages (l. 537) : 


(a) to a village with hot springs, 35 ; 

(d) to a village " by the lake " (of Manyas), 5. 

(c) to Cyzicus, 15. 
The hot springs, therefore, were twenty miles from Cyzicus 
and five from the lake : the only springs known to me satisfying 
these conditions* are those just south of the crossing of the 

> Other hot springs in the district (enumerated by Cuinet, in. 756 and iv. 4a AT., 
who adds several analyses and temperatures) are 
{a) Granicus valley : 

(i) Buyuk Tepe Keui (remains, see also Kiepert't map and fnscr. I v. 60). 
(1) Tcham Bazar Keui (Kiepert). 

(3) Kara Uidja ; two and a half to three hours from Bigha&hehr on the 
road to Inova. The bath house is primitive and of recent construe* 
tion: no cold water is laid on and the spring which supplies the 
bath is intolerably hot. It trickles from a tile-vaulted passage in 

142 ROADS [CH. 

Kara-d^re on the Panderma chauss/e (near Ilidja Keui), marked 
Hammam in Kiepert's map\ 

I visited these springs in 1904, and found two ruinous old 
Turkish bath-houses a few hundred yards apart and a quarter 
of a mile from the road. They are plain square buildings with 
vaulted porches, constructed of squared stones with tile joints, 
and roofed with brick domes resting on octagonal drums. The 
furthest from the road is still in use, though very dirty : it is 
supplied by springs of very hot water which bubbles up also 
outside near the entrance : near by are remains of rubble 

From the position of this spring it is apparent that Aristides' 
normal route to Cyzicus lay down the Macestus valley road. 

the ante-chamber ; by the stream, on the left bank of which the bath 
stands, are very extensive and massive rubble substructures. The 
bath is said to be much frequented in May, and a rough shanty has 
been constructed for bathers beside the bath house. 
{b) Aesepus valley: 

(i) Gunen (see p. 103, wrongly placed by Cuinet). 

(1) Khydyrlar (/.If.S. xxi. 435). 
{c) Karadere valley : 

(1) Dagh Ilidja, with ancient remains. Cf. Inscr. ill. 35. 

(9) Spring at Balia, destroyed by mining operations. 
{d) Macestus valley district : 

(1) Singherli, near Manyas. This spring is mentioned by Texier vaguely 
in j4su Afifuure, 164, as '*k la latitude du lac Manyas," and in 
Univ. Pitt, as *'sur la route d'Edrenos (Hadrianutherae?) 4 Cyzi- 
que," and is presumably the one mentioned and described above. 

(3) Omerkeui (Mnnro, 164), with Byzantine remains. 

(3) Between Yildiz and Sultan Chair : ancient remains (cf. Munro, 160). 

(4) CheQcler, near Gebsoun (the tepid spring ntaix EshtyUr^ \\ hours west 

of Ktbsudi). 

(5) Yilanlar, near Yurukova, 40 k. from Balukiser. 

(6) Near Eftele ; the bath-house is an oblong rubble building about a mile 

from the village, roofed with two domes, and having an apse at the 
end opposite the door to accommodate the bathers* recessed seat. 
At the time of my visit the basin was flooded, as it commonly is 
when the river is high : consequently the water was cold and I 
could not examine the basin for marble. This spring is not men- 
tioned by Cuinet. I visited it in 1906. 

(7) Kiraz, nahii of Avunia (east of Ivrindi on R. Kiepert's map?). 

(8) At Hissar near Bigaditch. 

(«) Artaki. On the island of Kyra Panagia. 

^ Mentioned also by Mordtmann (Ausland 1855, 55^)* 


A (liberal) 35 miles south from the Hammam brings us to the 
neighbourhood of Mendoura, which lies 
(i) on a river, 

(2) on the south side of a hill (Yilanly Dagh») and 

(3) in the plain of Balukiser. 

Evidence points, then, to Mendoura or thereabouts as the 
position of these two properties. 

We have next to deal with the scanty details of three other 
Other journeys: 

journeys. •* ^ 

(2) To "the springs" and back, one day's journey of 30 
miles (i. 489—90). 

(3) From Cyzicus to a villa, evidently a third property, 
SO miles: whence next day to Laneum (I. 538). 

(4) From the temple of Zeus, two days' journey to the hot 
springs on the Aesepus (presumably at Gunen) by Poemanenum 
(1. 502 — 3). The only stage recorded is (from a point unknown) 
to Poemanenum, a long half day of twenty miles: from Poe- 
manenum (Alexa) to Gunen is only about fifteen miles, and 
easy going, so that the first day's journey is evidently omitted. 
The natural route from the Balukiser plain to the Kara-d^r^ is 
by the cross-road passing Shamly and joining the main Perga- 
mum-Cyzicus road at or near Hissar Alan. " Twenty miles from 
Poemanenum" gives us a spot near Kiepert's "Dudar Chiftlik" 
as the starting place of Aristides' second aay: this is also fifty 
miles from Cyzicus and fifteen from Ilidja, which is a hot spring 
known and used in antiquity, and apparently dedicated to Zeus 

If, then, we assume that Aristides' villa was near Dudar 
A third pro- Chiftlik — the fact that there is still a chiftlik on this 
p^^y* site* removes all inherent improbability — we shall 

understand his calculating his journey thence to Poemanenum 

' It is perhaps Appropriate to mention here the tomb of Aine Ali {Atk, Mittk, 
XXIX. 316) as shewing the continued religious associations of the spot. 

' Inscr. III. i^^Ath. Mittk, 1904, 180. But it seems unnecessary to suppose with 
Dr Wiegand that this shrine was identical with Aristides' favourite temple of Zeus 
Olympius. The orator's epigram, dedicated in the precinct of Zeus, was found at 
Balukiser itself, and Zeus Olympius figures on the coins of Hadrianutherae. 

' It is now mined, but Mordtmann was entertained there by the local dere-bey. 


without troubling to mention the first stage between his two 
homes, a distance which he also omits in describing his journey 
from Cyzicus by way of the villa to Laneum (l. 538). This 
villa is described again in I. 499, as "fairly near" the Aesepus 
springs. However risky the argument, we shall by this as- 
sumption obtain a consistent hypothesis for Aristides* journeys, 
agreeing with what is known of the road-system. 




The population of the southern shore of the Propontis has 
always been of a mixed character: owing to its natural resources, 
especially suited for an agricultural folk, and its position separated 
from Europe by only a few miles of sea, the country has attracted, 
and attracts to-day, immigrants from many parts of both conti- 
nents ; so that the earliest possessors whose names have come 
down to us, if we except the purely fabulous giants — a creation 
naturally suggested by the fantastic outlines of a volcanic country 
— have the reputation of being settlers from elsewhere. 

Thus the Doliones of the country about Cyzicus were 
Thessalian Pelasgians ; the Mysians, from whom the greater 
part of the country under consideration took its name, were 
reputed of Thracian descent, though they had already in the 
heroic age of the Telephus myth penetrated to the Caicus 
valley: the Phrygians, whose settlements were among those of 
the Mysians, and the Bithynians of the country beyond the 
Rhyndacus, were again Thracians, and the Greeks were com- 
paratively new-comers when they planted their great colonies 
in the eighth century B.C. The Roman dominion, opening up 
the world by its road system, and thus encouraging inter- 
communication and travel, added to the confusion of races 
not only Latin blood, but the mixed stock of its numerous 
slave and freedman class. 

Constantine Porphyrogenitus in his account of the themes 

H. lO 


still recognises Mysians, Phrygians and Graeci in this portion 
of the Obsequian, and the crusading writers shew that 
Armenians were already in the Troad, and Italians on the 
coast of the Propontis (noticeably at Pegae)*, by the opening 
of the thirteenth century. The rule of Islam has brought still 
more heterogeneous elements together; to-day within a few 
hours of Cyzicus are settled Turks, Greeks, Jews, Armenians, 
Circassians, Rumelians, Macedonian and Bulgarian Christians, 
Cossacks and Tartars ; newly settled Yuruks may be found in 
the upland villages, and wholly-nomad Gypsies are always to 
be seen on the roads. 

Of the earliest inhabitants — the Pelasgian Doliones — we 
know little or nothing, save that they were 
generally regarded as a Thessalian tribe which 
immigrated under pressure of Aeolian invasion to the Helles- 
pont*. One of their settlements was founded by Cyzicus (or 
his father) on the south shore of the then island and took his 
name. Another account seems to have reckoned them among 
the Mysians of the Olympus country*. 

The Dolionis or Dolionia is defined by Strabo^ as extending 
from the Aesepus to the Rhyndacus and the lake of Dascylium, 
beyond which was the country of the Mygdones. Alexander 
Aetolus* defines it as "the country about Cyzicus as you go 
to Miletupolis." Cyzicus was included in it and Stephanus 
mentions a town of Scyrmus in the Dolionid : it was probably 
the Doliones who founded the Pelasgian colonies of Placia, 
Scylace, and Besbicus. We have record also of a tribe called 
Macries* who were Pelasgian neighbours of the Doliones 
claiming Eut>oean origin^ Strabo says that the Doliones 
were not to be distinguished from the Mysians, Bithynians and 
Phrygians, and were probably of Thracian descent All these 
were evidently village folk, and never attained a high degree 
of civilisation. 

^ Cf. Anshert, p. 80, Nicet. Chon. 795 B. See also Sanli, DtUa Cohma dei 
Ctfuntesiin Gaiata, ii. 181, 188. 

' Conon. ap. Phot. 139, Bekker. > Alex. Aetolus ap. Str. 566, 681. 

* 575* . » Ap. Str. 681. 

* Ap. Rh. I. 1094, Schol.; cf. I. 11 13, II. 596. ^ 564. 


The Mysians" again were commonly regarded as northern 
immigrants and the Mysian Olympus was pointed 
out as their earliest home in Asia. Homer* 
certainly associates them with the Thracians, while Herodotus* 
represents the southern Mysians who shared the Carian temple 
as kinsmen of the Lydians and Carians ; which shews at least 
that they early passed into southern Asia Minor and had 
religious ideas in common with the Asiatics. Their language 
was a mixture of Lydian and Phrygian*. We are concerned, 
however, only with that portion of their territory which lay 
along the southern shore of the Propontis (from Bithynia to 
the Aesepus) to quote Strabos* limits, and was practically, 
therefore, co-extensive with the Dolionid. Here, too, they 
were so intermingled with the Phrygians that " the boundaries 
of the Mysians and Phrygians " had become a proverb*. The 
cause of the confusion was, as Strabo says, that they were still 
in a semi-nomadic state as well, probably, as immigrants of 
various dates. They would probably have no definite territory 
but rather scattered allotments, as the Rumelians and Circassians 
have to-day, in the various districts where the land lay open 
to them. 

The vagueness extends also to the naming of the different 
parts of the country under discussion. Thus Phrygia Epictetus, 
though generally to be referred rather to the Bithynian end of 
the Propontis', is occasionally identified with Lesser (Helles- 
pontine) Phrygia* or includes it*; while Hellespontinc Phrygia 
may be extended to include the Troad" and the Olympene". 

' The lathorities for the Mysians in general are collected by Cramer, Geog. i. 30. 
The lace apparently kept its identity in the wilder parts till the second century at 
least, for Aristides mentions them near Hadrianutherae (i. 53a, Dind.). Porphyron 
genitos assigns to them the inland parts, south of Olympus, and the coast plains to the 
Phrygians and Graeci {De Thttn, p. 35 B.). 

* //. XMI. 5. * 1. 171. Cf. Plin. V. 41 ? 

* Steph. Byi. s.v. Mwta. Cf. also Hdt. vii. 74, where they are cailed Avawr 

* 564. * Str. 564 ; cf. Photius 345, Bekker. 

^ Str. 534, 567, 576, 615 — in 564 it is said not to touch the seaboard. 

' Str. 543, 563. Ducas curiously calls KarasH ^pvyia ^ Mn^Y or 1^ cdrc#, 

13* 7« B. 

» Sir. 571. " lb. 119; cf. Ptol. V. 1. " Str. 543, 

10 — 2 


The co-extensive lesser Mysia* (as opposed to the Mysia 
of the Caicus valley) is called indifferently Hellespontine' or 

West of the Aesepus, which is generally reckoned the 
boundary of the Troad, we are in the territory of the old 
Trojan civilisation ; the ivxrifievov irroXiedpov of Zeleia is the 
first of the walled burgs. Here, too, we are on the outskirts 
of the reputed Aeolian colonization: it was said* that Archelaus 
with his followers had prospected first in the Rhyndacus 
country, and Gras about the Granicus, to which he gave its 
name : he then crossed with the greater part of his force to 
Lesbos. There is no tangible evidence to be found of an 
Aeolian settlement in either place : the idea may have been 
suggested by the similarity of certain names, apparently native, 
but peculiar to the Cyzicus district and to the Aeolid*. 

So much for the ancient inhabitants. Of the modem 
Modern: population the Greeks, generally speaking, occupy 

(x) QreekB. ^j^g islands and coast, though small trading com- 
munities are settled in all the considerable towns. 

In contradistinction to these there is a considerable inland 
area about Brusa with a Greek village-population ; this population 
is divided into Turkish- and Greek-speaking villages', the former 
being reputed the oldest. The Greek-speaking communities in 
many cases preserve traditions of their immigration from Europe: 
they seem to be settlements dating from early Turkish times 
devised to reinforce the depleted population of the district after 
the long wars. In many cases they appear to have been intro- 
duced as serf or tnitayer populations on imperial or other estates, 
but their history depends as a rule on oral tradition alone. That 

^ For Ilellespontine Phrygia included the Hellespontine and Olympene Mystans 
(Sir. 566). 

» Ptol. V. a. ' Str. 57X. < Str. 58a. 

* We may cite Sigriane, Sigrene in the Troad, Sigrion in Lesbos, Eresi in Mysia 
(Plin. V. 33) and Eresos in I^sbos, Perperina near Parium (Theodor. Stud. Lett, 1. 3) 
and Perperene, ^d6f MaX^wr (Vit* Scti Philitaeri^ 19 May), in the Sigriane and Malia 
(cf. Malaus) in Lesbos, Macestum in Lesbos and Macestus in Mysia. Arisbe is also 
common to the Troad and Lesbos. 

* To the former class belong Derekeui, Tachtali, Tepejik, Kilessen, Susurlu» 
Tansara, Ainesi: to the latter Demirdesh, Kouvouklia, Misopoli, Anachori. 


of Kouvouklia is typical and the obtainable information at least 

Kouvouklia is a very large village about ten miles west of 
Brusa containing 430 families, all Greek and Greek-speaking : 
it is the site of a Byzantine castle mentioned once by Pachymeres' 
and now entirely destroyed. The villagers are said to be the 
descendants of Peloponnesian immigrants settled in the time of 
Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent ( 1 520 — 66) as serfs on the lands 
of the local derebey Karadja Oghlu. The serfs gradually acquired 
land, and at the death of the last derebey (about sixty years ago') 
without a direct heir were left in possession after a long lawsuit, 
the lands of the derebey being not mulk or freehold but vakouf 
or mosque-property let out*. The mosque in the case of 
Kouvouklia is that of Khudavendkiar at Brusa, to which the 
villagers still pay 960 kil^s of wheat yearly*. 

West of Brusa the Greek village of Yalichiftlik claims a 
similar origin. It is said to be the youngest of the settlements 
and to have been founded by prisoners taken after Orloflf's 
expedition : the last is extremely doubtful, but the change 
from farm (chiftlik) to village has evidently come about as in 
the other places. According to some accounts the chiftlik 
was an Imperial property, possibly the grand palais qui itait 
d Bajazet mentioned by Boucicaut in 1399'. 

> Pachy. vn. 9, p. 580 (130^)). 

* The Kmnulja O^^hlu are mentioned as a powerful Brusa family in the early 
19th century by von Hammer (Rtis^ fMtk Brussa, p. i). 

* The Turkish law regarding t^M^ allows the holding of such lands at a nominal 
rent only so long as the lessee's family continues direct within certain degrees : these 
are indicated in Young's Corps d4 droit Ottoman^ I* 3i8f xix. 

* These details were supplied me by M. P. Papadopoulos, a native of the village. 
He tells me the documents recording the settlement are preserved in the library of 
Bayetid 11. *s mosque at Constantinople ; further that in the compilation of a vocalnilary 
of the dialect he has found the dialect of Gortynia (Arcadia) remarkably like thai of 
his native place. Some of the specimen words he gave me, however (rou^sdo, iti^i^m 
(not ffd#M, which s KaXX<«p7w), vcvifwsroii/fw, vpo^sirrwdM) are rather against the 
Peloponnesian tradition, while others (e.g. «p(rM, ufuH^p^m for «M^^«i^ni{w, vof/SM^a) 
are common throughout the district. The strongly-marked pronunciation of v before 
/•sounds as ck is usual in the district and, I believe, not known in Peloponnese outride 

* Ed. Buchon f 449. cf. Delaville le Roulx, La Frame in Orient mm XtV. sii<le^ 
p. 370 and above p. 55. 


The large village of Demirdesh one hour north of Brusa, 
though not strictly within our area, is noteworthy as a similar 
foundation. The villagers say they were imported to work the 
lands of a certain Demir-Tash, pasha of Brusa and vizir. These 
lands also were originally vakouf but have long become mulk. 
The Demirdesiotes have various traditions as to their origin ; 
Kleonymos says they are from various parts of Greece chiefly 
Peloponnese^ I was told by the schoolmaster (1907) that they 
were originally from Agrapha, their numbers being added to by 
a later influx of Epirotes ; the oldest inhabitant aflSrmed that 
they were Mainotes from the Sparta neighbourhood and gave the 
date of the settlement as 380 years ago. The dialect is con- 
spicuous in the district, and confirms the north-Greek rather than 
the Peloponnesian tradition. If, as is probable, Demirtash Pasha 
is the historical Timourtash, vizir of Murad I., the village may 
be descended from captives of his various campaigns in Macedonia 
and Peloponnese". 

Two further groups of villages west of Brusa come under the 
same category, the Agraphiotika and the Pistika. Of the former 
there are three or four villages about the Nilufer*. I have heard 
little of them except that their women still wear skirts while all 
their neighbours wear shalvars. They are as their name implies 
from the Agrapha district of Thessaly ; their dialect is said to 
be much corrupted by Turkish. 

The Pistika (r^ WwriKh x^P^) ^^ nine in number and lie 
between Brusa and Mihallitch ; the inhabitants claim Mainote 
origin but have little idea where Maina is. The names of the 
villages with their present populations^ are: 

Bashkeui or 'RovKrfapaTOL 150 houses 

Karajobba or XtopovSa 50 „ 

' p* 159 4k tQp lUftwf r^f 'EXXd^s kqX ISlun ix rift HtXowoifrfyrcv. 

* See Hammer- Hellert I. 268, 1. 160. He campaigned in Macedonia (f^. 349} and 
in 1397 took Argos (t^. 516) Uking 30,000 prisoners to Asia (Chron. Breve) : in 1385 
he carried off many prisoners from the district of Arta (Chromcie of JoMmna in Leake, 
N.G. IV. 558). 

' Kleonymos (p. 98) gives Tchambaz, Tchamba, Tcheshneir (T^cyryi^) and 
Akchebounar. The schoolmaster at Tchatal gave me Tchambaz (30 houses), 
Tchamlidja (no) and Tcheshneir (90) only. 

^ From the schoolmaster at Tchatal. 


Tchatal-aghil or Ktovaravripdroi 60 houses 

Kemerient or KafLapitoraroi {'Ayia Kvpiaxi))^ 120 „ 

Ekisjc or ^Ayivdroi 1 50 „ 

Karakodja or KvSia 200 ,, 

Subashi or TleXaSdroi 150 „ 

Serian or ^ipiyidwt) 50 „ 

Kermikir or TJpi^iKijpiop 40 ,, 

Of these the first five lie about the Brusa road not far from 
Apollonia, the remaining four nearer Mihallttch. They are 
subject ecclesiastically to the bishop of Nicomedia', whose 
representative resides at Aboulliond. 

Constantinati is mentioned already in 1577 by Gerlach*, 
the commune of nine villages first by CoveM just a hundred 
years later : as to their origin he was informed by the landlord 
at Tchatal that " at the first conquest of these places by the Turke 
nine villages all hereabouts were made a Beghiluck [Beylik] to 
provide cattle and sheep for the Seraglio, and they were under 
the G. S" immediate protection, yet they all pay haratch. They 
were ordered to wear a particular sort of hat or cap and none 
were to molest them : they enjoy their privilege much still but 
want the Emperour's presence and the court." 

The nine villages are barely mentioned by Turner at the 
beginning of the 19th century', but MacFarlane in 1847* 
devotes a good deal of attention to them. He first heard of 
them through a Greek pedlar who told him the original villages 
had been settled each by a Mainote rebel, transported to 
Constantinople for execution and there pardoned by the good 

> These are marked as separate villages by von Diest (Kartt des WestiicktH 
KUinasiiHt^ < 903)1 bat the position of A. Kyriaki is "uncertain,** being derived from 
the map in Kandis' Wp^^a, 

* The frontier line of the Nicomedian tract is roughly shewn on Kandis* map. 
The country would naturally belong of course to Brusa : I could obtain no ex- 
planation of the anomaly from the bishop's representative at Nicomedia. 

' Tiirckisckis Tagtbuch (1674) 258. "3 kleinen Griechischen Dorfem nur von 
Leynen, Stroh, und wenig Holz ausgefuhrt, Constantinatit Typota, S. Theodoro 

* Add. MS. 93,91s f. 463 vso. * Tour in the East (1810), ni. 149. 

* Turkty andktr Datiny^ i. 405, n. 537. The book is full of information of this 
kind derived from the author's friend J. Zohrab of Brusa. 


offices of the Sultan's mother*, who gave each family 200 sheep 
from which they paid a yearly tribute in lambs or money. The 
settlement is dated to the reign of" the unfortunate Sultan Selim 
[1787 — 1807] about the beginning of the present century," which 
is of course impossible*. 

The second account he had from a priest at Bashkeui who 
said the Pistikoi were Mainotes from the Sparta district : the 
original families were transported under Sultan Achmet* about 
150 years ago : they still refused to intermarry except with their 
own people, and derived the name TlurTiK6<; from iriorof: (i.e. 
Christian). MacFarlane himself remarks on their skill in 
agriculture, sedate manners, and the wearing of petticoats by 
their women. 

Kleonymos and Pappadopoulos write of the Pistika in 1867* 
as follows : 

" Pistikos is the name given by the inhabitants of Maina 
in the Peloponnese to shepherds. These villages were so called 
on account of the shepherds who about three centuries ago 
migrated into the district of the Rhyndacus and Apollonia. 
These people herded the flocks of a Turkish bey, and even 
now they call the district Tfo/SAjz-ztiy/ol". The immigration from 
Peloponnesus is attested not only by the elder men among 
them, but also by their customs and dialect As time went on 
they grew numerous and founded villages, paying taxes to 
successive Beys, till the time of the lamented Sultan Mahmoud, 
since which they have been recognised as Turkish subjects." 

To the question of date we shall return. Both MacFarlane's 
dates are proved wrong by Gerlach and Covel's references, and 
the correct one lies between Covel and Kleonymos. 

The Mainote origin of the Pistika is hard to substantiate. 
The name, though rightly interpreted by Kleonymos as shepherd^ 

* This romantic episode occurs in all versions of the story I have read or heard 
except that of Kleonymos. 

' In the author's diary (Add. MS. 11,430) only the Sultan's name appears : Selim 
theyfrx/ reigned 15x1 — 1510, a much more likely date. 

' Hamit in the MS. 

^ B«^wiird, p. 97. 

' Tk. CAtf^tfff= shepherd. 


is far from being an exclusively Mainote word*. The language 
seems very corrupt, the only song I was able to collect was 
nearly half Turkish, and the Mainote songs which Tozer found 
current both at Gythion and in the Corsican Mainote colonies' 
were unknown. The characteristic Mainote ch for «• does not 
occur, which is the more remarkable as it is common in the 
surrounding villages. The loud voice characteristic of Maina 
was conspicuously absent and the people as MacFarlane remarked 
are more **dour" than the average Greek. 

Further the names of the villages are by no means character* 
istic of Maina, and point rather to North Greece: -arax is a 
common termination in Suli^ and -ara in Kephallenia, where 
almost exclusively occurs the family name in -arcK*. 

The modem costume gives us no help, being but a very 
slight variation of that worn by neighbouring villages— dark 
blue or brown braided jacket and baggy knee breeches, broad 
red belt, coarse white stockings and sandals : the villagers are 
recognisable by their physique and often distinguished by a 
black rag worn round the fez : the women wear shalvars even 
on state occasions, and marriage outside the nine villages is 
not unusual. A further argument against the Mainote origin is 
to be found in the custom of " churching " women the second 
Sunday (fifteen days) after marriage, not the first as is the 
custom in this district and in Maina itself. 

I believe the supposed Mainote descent based on an ignorant 
use of the word Roumania. In a version of the tradition obtained 

> Wurruthny MrMTudt is at least as old as the 13th century (cf. Ducan^, 
Ghtsarium^ s.v.) and not a local word at all. 

*y,N.S,iu. 354 sqq., yMfm. J^AiL VI. 196 IT. These colonies dste from 1673, 
•ee Finlay, //isi, of Grttce^ v. 1 16 — 7. and for a bibliogiaphj Meliarakis' NcocXXiirur^ 
Vtw^pmi^uAi ^1X0X07^0, p. 99. 

* Tozer \n J» H. S* in. 360. "Cargese and Vitylo pronounce 4nt as e/ckt\ as far 
ts my observation goes, not found in Peloponnese outside Maina." The ''Pistikos" 
have a peculiarity in pronouncing ^ before 1 as M clkarii, ToposA ('AloWi^iM) etc. 

* Leake, NortAeru Gretct^ I. 509. 

* From material kindly supplied me by Dr Klon Stephanos I am able to state that 
no village name in -droc exists in Free Greece. Family names in Hirvt occur, but very 
rsrely. in Maina. Curiously enough there was in Byxantine times a village called 
rd^ Mo^cdrMr k^ilii near the lake of Apollonia {Synax, Cp* Nov. 4, VUm Jounuii 
vf. Dec 15: Vita PauU junioru oi roM Mapwrdrov rdroi). 


for me by Mr E. Gilbertson, H.M.'s vice-consul at Brusa, who 
knows the people well, the founders of the colony were said to 
be brigands from Roumania apprehended in the neighbourhood 
of Brusa. The modern Roumania is of course not necessarily 
implied ; the Turkish Rumili is meant. The confusion with Maina, 
and the intrusion of the name of Sparta, a new town and not 
really in the Mainote district, are probably subsequent to Orloff's 
expedition if not to the Revolution. The probabilities are that 
the villages we have been discussing were all founded under 
the early Sultans to replace the losses suffered by the country 
in the later Byzantine period : a settled and well-tilled country- 
side was especially necessary when the court was at Brusa. 
Moreover the transference of unruly populations was a policy 
of the early Sultans*. 

Other reputed immigrant Greek villages are Kurshunlu 
(Kara-dagh) said to be partly Macedonian (a few families still 
speak a Bulgarian dialect) and partly froni Aivali (refugees of 
1821 ?), and Vatica or Musatcha' — presumably with the similarly 
isolated Hautcha-Chavutzi — on the Aesepus. These are said by 
M. Philendas, himself a native of their market-town Artaki, and 
by Professor M. Constantinides to be colonists from the Laconian 
Vatica (now Neapolis) and to speak the Tzakonian dialect. If 
the latter statement is true the villages must be of considerable 
age (a church at Chavutzi bears the date 1675) since Tzakonian 
has long ceased to be spoken so far south as Vatica'. Others, 
however, have told me that they speak " the dialect of Hydra " 
which implies Albanian descent. " Musatcha " seems indeed to 
be the Albanian name for a marshy plain such as the village 
actually occupies, and St Blancard's note further strengthens 
this view. 

^ Cf. the transportation of the population of Argos to Asia, Chalcon. 30, and 
conversely Korcdpcder settled in Thessaly, Leake, North, Greece^ I. 144, in. 174, 557, 
IV. 317, 419. St Blancard (in Charri^re, Ni/(. de la Frana^ i.) writes in 1538 of the 
country round Bigha (" leqnel pays estoit inhabit^ ''); *' le grand seigneur y a mis et 
faict venir d'Esclavons, Albanois, et Serviens quand les eust conquestes ; il faict ainsy 
en plusieurs contr6es pour m^moire de ses vtctoires et pour mesler les langues.'* 

* The Avatha (r& Birtra) of Pococke's map. 

' See W. M. Leake, Researches, p. 196, who quotes Crusius. The dialect is now 
restricted to the immediate neighbourhood of Leonidi. 


The Armenians are the bankers, substantial merchants and 
shopkeepers in the towns, and have, so far as I 

(3) Armenians. , ••.•^••t t^ ••.. 

know, only one distmct village — Ermeni-keiii m 
the Cyzicene peninsula. It is first mentioned by Prokesch 
(1831) and not marked in Pococke's map. The Armenian 
colony in Panderma is partly at least from Smyrna; though 
tradition has it that the greater part is of Gipsy (Tchengen) 
origin. Armenians are mentioned in the Troad by the 
chroniclers of Barbarossa's expedition. 

The Macedonian' and Christian (Greek-speaking) Bulgar* 
settlements are said to be 150 years old* ; the latter 

(3) Mace- "' ' 

donUns and retain their picturesque national dress. Their women, 

who are remarkable for their fine figures and free 

carriage, still wear embroidered petticoats, not shalvars^ to the 

great scandal of the Turks. The Pomak villages^ date from the 

war of 1878. 

The Cossack colonies on the lake of Manyas*, of which 
MacFarlane gives a long and interesting account, 

are about a hundred* years old. They are them- 
selves the oflshoot of a colony on the Danube, retain their native 
(Russian) language and dress, and are Christians by religion. 

The Rumelians (Muhajirs^) and Circassians, who constitute 
(5) Rttmciuns. ^^^ roughest and least civilised element, are yearly 
itiw!'***" increasing : they are located either in separate 

(7)AtiMnUns. villages or in outlying quarters of towns. The 
Albanian (Gheg) shepherds are settled about Mihallitch in 

^ Yappaji keui, Yeni keni in the Cyxicene peninsula, Hadji Pagon on the 

' Hodja Bunar, Yeni Keui on the Kara-d^r^ : at the fonner a few families are said 
still to use a Bulgarian dialect. 

* This is probably a mere guess. Villages of *' an believers" in the district of 
Manyas are mentioned in the Kanun-nawuh given by Hammer, 0th, Staaisvtrf, 
I. 381. 

* In the plains of Bigha and Gunen : they are Mohammedan Bulgars. 

* The lake at Sard is is alv> fished by Cossacks. 

* Hamilton dates the immigration after the Russian capture of Ismail (1790 or 
i8m?). Turner in 1810, MacFarlane 39 years before his visit, f>. 1808, a second 
colony having come in 1833 (p. 480). 

^ The word in itself signifies merely immigrants, but is applied especially to the 
Rumelians. The town-dwelling Muhajirs form a large proportion of the local 
araba*d rivers. 




force, and employed elsewhere on sheep farnis'. There are 
traces also of an older immigration of Christian Albanians, 
especially in the islands. Paleme (1600) mentions them in 
Halone, and Covel says that the whole of the island of Mar- 
mora except its chief town was peopled by them. This is 
borne out by Buondelmonti's account of the island : in his 
time there was only one town (Marmara) in the island, the 
rest being waste, while Kalolimno, where in Covel's day at 
least there was a village ^Apfiaviroxcipit is described as without 
population. The village of the same name near Mudania is 
however no earlier than the eighteenth century*. 

The following figures (from Cuinet) give some idea of the 
distribution of the races forming the population, though the 
Musulman element must have increased disproportionately 
lately owing to immigration : 







and various 










1. 148* 























— ' 





I, I to 













* All in the chief town. t Musulman refugees (Muhadjirs). 

t Chiefly in the village of Marmara. 

§ Tlie term includes of course many natives who have foreign passports for con- 

' Many are summer migrants from European Turkey, who cross into Asia from 
Gallipoli and fatten their flocks on the Mysian plains for the Constantinople market, 
shipping eventually from Panderma. 

' von Hammer, /feise nach Brussa, p. z. 



The foundation of the city by the eponymous King Cyzicus 
and his Thessalian followers is dated by the Chronicon PaschaU} 
"thirty-four years after the foundation of Ilium." In spite of 
this traditional date and the attempts, which we shall notice in 
passing, to bring the history of Cyzicus into the Trojan cycle, 
neither the town of Cyzicus nor the Doliones appear as Trojan 
allies in Homer. King Cyzicus is however the central figure 
in an episode of the Argonautic expedition. Of this episode 
we have no very ancient account, that of Apollonius* being 
the oldest and the most valuable. He drew, like his scholiasts, 
on earlier writers, notably on Deiochus of Proconnesus (^rcpl 
Kv(i«ot/), and Neanthes of Cyzicus (oS/ioa Kt;{>/a;vQ>i^)'. It is 
important to remark that both authorities are local, which 
accounts for Apollonius detailed topography, a feature not 
found in the later authors : we may also rely on the inverse 
application of his aetiological explanations to throw some light 
on the Cyzicene archaeology and topography of Hellenistic 

* p. 80. 

* Arg^nauiiia I. 956-1 153. Of the other accoantt those of Conon, Valerius 
Flaccus, the Orphica, and Cedrenus are discussed below. Cf. also Apollod. BibL 1. 
9. 18. 30; Hygin. Fab. xvi.; Parthen. Erpi. xxviii.; Ov. Tritt, 1. 10. 30; Sil. Ital. 
11. 398; Cramer, Anted, Paris, il. 194; Joh. Ant. frag. 15; Cyzicus and Jason? on 
sarcophagus; Robert, Ani. Sarkopha^;^ Rthtfs^ ll. 913, pi. Ixiv. ; if/r/. .W-m//. 843 b, 
p. 531 ; Heracles and Cyzicus on vase? Arch, Zfit, ix. 306, pi. 97 (**ein modernes 
Machwerk,'* Pauly, Riol-Emythpaidie^ ».v. **Argonatttae,'* p. 779); 0. Knaack. Dt 
Fabmlis nrnmullU Cjrxicenu, and R. Walther, De Ap, Rh, Arg. rthus Gt^gr, (l)tss.) 
Halle, 1881, pp. 37-48; Myres \uJM.S. xxvit. 393 ff. 

' For all that is known of these two writers tee Maiqoardt, p. 163 ff. Neanthet 
wrote under Attains I. 


Apollonius calls the Kapu Dagh an island^ yet twice 
refers to an isthmus', by which he probably means the long 
spit of land stretching towards the shore where the cause- 
way was afterwards to be made', for the Argonauts evidently 
sailed through the channel. Between the isthmus and the 
promontory of S. Simeon (the axTal dp^lSvfioi of the poet) lay 
the harbour and town of Cyzicus. 

On the Arctonnesus dwelt two races in harmony, on the 
mountains the monstrous six-handed giants, on the isthmus and 
the plain the Doliones ruled by their King Cyzicus, son of 
Aeneus and Aenete daughter of Eusorus, King of Thrace. The 
Argo first touched at the western side of the island, where 
by the Artacian spring* they left their anchor stone*. Cyzicus 
and his folk welcomed them and bade them moor their 
ship in the harbour of the city, Chytus, where they built an 
altar and sacrificed to Apollo*. Food was set before them by 
Cleite, the newly-married wife of Cyzicus, who is represented as 
the daughter of Merops of Percote, a Homeric hero whose sons 
ruled in Adrasteia and fought in the Trojan war^ They then 
ascended Dindymon, '*by the way called Jasonian to this day," 
leaving the Argo drawn up on the beach in charge of Heracles. 
An isolated episode follows, of no value to the story, but 
perhaps accounting for natural features in the harbour of Cyzicus, 
to the effect that in the heroes' absence the giants came and tried 

* 936. ■ 9381 947. 

* Strabo (681) uses the same word of the headlands of Cyprus. 

* This I believe to be not the well above Artaki {J,ff,S, xxn. 179) but the spring 
which flows from between the two hexagonal towers. 

* It was afterwards preserved in the Prytaneum (Plin. xxxvi. 93), and seems from 
the care with which its attempts to run away were frustrated, to have been some kind 
of a fetish stone with which the luck of the city was bound up. There was another 
"Argonauts' anchor'* at Ancyraeum (Dionys. Bys. Anaplus Bosp* Frag. 54). Such 
remnants of barbaric cultus are commonly associated for propriety's sake with 
orthodox legend, cf. the stone of Rhea at Proconnesus and the 2>us Kappotas of 
Laconia (Pans. in. 11). Mooring stones, like Fetish stones, were frequently conical 
in shape (see Dragatsis in Congr. ItUtm* ArehioL Athens, 1905, p. 301). 

* Cf. I. 1 185, and Dionys. Byz. Anaplus Bosp. Frsg. 8. 

' According to another account, Cyzicus* wife was Larisa, daughter of Piasus, 
a Thessalian. Pkrthenius, loc. at. § 98, see Euphorion ap. Sch. Ap. Rh. 1063, who 
says that Larisa was betrothed to Cjrzicus. Neanthes {ibidem) said he left a son of 
the same name. 


to block the mouth of the harbour with stones, but Heracles slew 
them with his arrows. 

The heroes on their return put to sea with a fair wind : but 
in the night it changed and they were unwittingly carried back 
to the island, but naturally to the eastern side: there is na 
mention of Artaki or of Chytus, only of a rock called Sacred — 
possibly the point beyond Yeni Keui, where there is a small 
landing-place — to which they moored. The Doliones, taking 
them for their neighbours, the Makries\ attacked them, and the 
Argonauts in the dark slew Cyzicus* and several of his chiefs. 
The mistake was discovered at dawn : the Argonauts mourned 
with the Doliones, instituted games in Cyzicus' honour, and 
built him a tumulus *'on the Leimonian plain" — perhaps the 
tumulus just south of the road from Panderma to Aidinjik^ 

Cleite in her grief hanged herself^ and from her tears the 
nymphs made a spring, afterwards called Cleite, after her — not, 
I think, the stream so called by Perrot, which rises far out of the 
city, above Yappaji-keui: streams, too, are almost invariably 
personified as males. Cleite may have been identical with the 
Fans Cnpidinis of Pliny', which, being a reputed cure for love, is 
appropriately associated with a love tragedy. 

For twelve days after the Argonauts were wind-bound, till 
Mopsus by his augury' foretold that they must appease the 

^ The Makries were supposed to be Pelasgians from Euboea, the sune race that 
had ousted the Thessolian folk of Cyzicus. Sch. Ap. Rh. 1014. Sch. 1. 1037 says 
that this was Deilochus* veruon. Callisthenes says that the Cyzicenes attacked the 
Ar^oiiants out of hatred. Cf. Conon. 

' He fell by the hand of Jason. Otheis said (1) of the Dioscuri (Sch. Ap. Rh. 1. 
1040) or (s) of Heracles ^Orphica^ 537). C£ Hyginus, Fab. xvi. and the forged vase 
from Chiusi {Arch, Zeii. IX. 306). 

* Figured by Wiegand, p. 285. There are many more of these in the district, 
t^. Kunhunlu-tepe on the Kara Dagh, Ishem-bair near Ergileh, and several in the 
neighlxHirhood of Kazakli. They are said to contain slab-built chambers. Such must 
have been the Tomb of Memnon on the Aesepus and the riu^ 4p Itfyf. rift tfo6 of the 
Milesian inscription. Relics of the prehistoric period may be found in the pottery 
ftom PUiderma figured by Wiegand; I procured a fine neolithic axe, now in the 
Fitzwilliam Museum, at the same place. 

^ Deilochus said she died of grief, Sch. Ap. Rh. I. 1063. Euphorion said Larisa 
was hanged by her father. Ihid. 

* Plio. XXX. 16. Isid. Oriff. XIII. 13. 3. Meletius, BUk. iv. 4. 

* Other accounts (Cedrenus) say the Apollo of n^ia Oc^pid. 


Great Mother: they then loosed from the Sacred Rock and 
rowed to the Thracian harbour, whence they ascended the 
mountain. Argos carved the image (fipirasi) of the goddess and 
set it up on a hilP, while the heroes called on Mother Dindymene 
and Titias and Cyllenus with her, and beat their swords upon 
their shields* to drown the ill-omened wailing for Cyzicus in the 
town below. Dindymene as a sign that her anger was appeased 
made a spring (afterwards called Jasonian) come forth from the 
ground, and sent them a favouring wind. 

Conon's account' is coloured by the politics of Hellenistic 
Greece. Cyzicus, here a son of Apollo, was driven with his 
people from his Thessalian home by Aeolians. In Asia he 
contracted a politic marriage with Cleite, daughter of Merops, 
king of the Rhyndacus country ; when the Argonauts landed, 
his people set on them as soon as they knew the ship was from 
Thessaly, and Cyzicus, attempting to stop the battle, was slain 
by Jason*. There is no mention of Cybele. Cyzicus leaving 
no heir, the government passed to an aristocratic oligarchy, 
who were evicted by the Tyrrhenians, and these in turn by the 

The account of Valerius Flaccus* is thoroughly romanized 
and has no local colour. The story is briefly — The Argonauts 
are welcomed by Cyzicus and Cleite, with Vergilian rhetoric and 
properties, and entertained for three days ; after which they set 
sail. Cyzicus incurs the anger of Rhea, by slaying one of her 
lions, a piece of sts^e machinery regularly employed for this 
purpose, and convenient as justifying the death of Cyzicus. 
Meanwhile the Argonauts set sail, and are driven back to the 
island ; the Cyzicenes, who take them for Pelasgian enemies, 
attack and are slain in large numbers before the mistake is 
discovered. Cyzicus himself is killed by Jason, and Cleite 
bewails him in the words of Andromache. Cyzicus is awarded 
a sumptuous funeral and the Argonauts give themselves up to 

^ There is no definite mention of a temple. 

' The origin, according to Apollonius, of the tjrmpana used in the wor^ip of Rhea. 
Cf. Propert. ni. M. 3. 

' Ap. Phot. Bibi, 139, Bekker. 

* Cf. Deilochus and Ephonis and Kallisthenes, ap. Sch. Ap. Rh. i. 1037. 

• Arg, n. 635— ni. 459. 


grief till, on the advice of Mopsus, the 'Mgnota numina divum" 
(the gods of the underworld) are appeased by the sacrifice of 
two black ewes and a lustramen is performed on the Aesepus, 
whither Jason apparently walks from Cyzicus. 

In the account of the pseudo-Orpheus (4th c A.D.?) the 
circumstances of the death of Cyzicus are again slightly different, 
and the construction is clumsy. The Argonauts land, dedicate 
the anchor-stone to Athena, and are welcomed by Cyzicus : the 
mountain folk, who are six-handed monsters like the Cyclopes 
and giants, attack the Argo by night ; the heroes beat them off 
with great slaughter — apparently a fusion of the Heracles' 
adventure of Apollonius, with the fight of the Pelasgians: 
Cyzicus, for an unexplained reason, is slain among the Giants by 
Heracles^ The Argonauts then put to sea, but Rhea will not 
let them go. Athena appears to Tiphys and explains : at her 
command they propitiate the ghost, and bury the body in 
a slab-grave under a tumulus, while Argos carves the image and 
builds a stone temple. Rhea sends a fair wind, they give thanks 
to her as Ilei^/Mirii;, and set forth. 

For Cedrenus*, the king of the Doliones is the "toparch 
of the Hellespont," nor is there any subterfuge about his death. 
He opposes the Argonauts in a sea-fight, and is killed. The 
town, characteristically described as the "metropolis of the 
Hellespont,'' is taken by the heroes. What little epic incident 
remains— the discovery of the Argonauts' kinship with the 
dead man, and the consequent building of the temple and 
enquiry of Apollo as to its dedication, merely leads up to the 
oracle of the latter given at the Pythia Therma — an elaborate 
prophecy of the birth of Christ and the redemption of mankind. 
The temple is to belong to the Virgin Mother of God ; Jason 
(not unnaturally) dedicates it to the Mother of the Gods, writing 
the oracle over the lintel of the door: ''but afterwards in the 
time of the emperor Zeno the name was changed and the house 
after the holy Mother of God." 

The traditional chronology of this early period, though 
naturally fanciful, is interesting as shewing the supposed relative 

' Orphua^ 490-813. 

* 1 19 B., also in Job. Malal. I v. 94, Johannct Aotioch. fr. 15. 

H. II 


antiquity of Troy and Cyzicus, and in connection with the later 
attempts to join the two cycles of legend. The first foundation 
by King Cyzicus is placed in the year of the world 4152, thirty- 
four years after the foundation of Troy*, and three*, four*, or 
thirty-four* years before the Argonautic expedition ; further, 
despite Cyzicus' marriage with Cleite, whose brothers fought in 
the Trojan war, the fall of Ilium is computed no less than 
ninety-five years after the foundation of Cyzicus*. 

^ Chron. Pasch. 148 6. ' Some MSS. of Eusebins (ed. Schoene n. 45). 

' Hieron. (Eusebius, Schoene n. 47). These two dates are more in accordance 
with the local legend which regards Cyzicus as a young newly-married man. 
^ Eusebius 11. 46. ' Eusebius 11. 59. 



For the Milesian foundation the date 756 is generally accepted 
as at least approximately corrects To 01. 6, 3 is attributed 
the maritime supremacy of the Milesians (implying a successful 
trade-war with the Phoenicians) and the colonization of Nau* 
cratis. Four years after planting their opposition colony in 
Egypt, i.e. in 751 B.C., they turned to the Hellespont, and, 
ousting their rivals (the ** Tyrrhenians " of Conon ?), planted 
colonies at Cyzicus and Proconnesus on their way to the Euxine. 
The year, according to Eusebius, is the 29th of the Lydian 
Ardys, and the third of Romulus. The colony was as usual 
directed by an oracle of Apollo, which predicted in no measured 
terms its future prosperity*. 

A second colonization is recorded in 675', about the period 
of extreme Lydian expansion. The Lydian empire then extended 
certainly to the Hellespont, and has left traces in the name 
Dascylium, and perhaps also Sidene and Zeleia. This second 
date corresponds also to that period of development characterized 
in many of the Greek states by the rise of oligarchies, succeeded 
generally by tyrannies. In most of these states the political 
conditions bred discontent and stimulated emigration: at Corinth 
the rule of the Bacchiadae and Cypselus is a conspicuous in- 
stance, and, as we know that there was a tyrant at Miletus 

' ClintOD, /iu/. Mel/, p. 156, cf. Easeb. u. 81. Syncellus 401 B. The Milesian 
origin is aUested by Str. 656, Sch. Ap. Rh. i. 1077, Plin. A^.lf, v. 3a. 

' Aristid. I. 38^ Dind. Cf. Sch. Ap. Rh. I. 955, 959. 

* CUntoo, Fast. HHL p. 186. Hieron. places it 673 with Locri, which howerer is 
ccftatnlj an earlier foundation. Eusebius (11. 87) in Ol. xxv., possibly therefore in 
tbe reign of Gyges who seems to have encouraged Greek colonisation (Str. 510). 

II — a 


contemporary with Cypselus^, we may assume that the Ionian 
city had developed in the same way. The date is also well 
within the chronological limits of Milesian colonizing activity in 
this direction. We need thus have no hesitation in rejecting 
Joannes Lydus'* suggestion of a Megarian colonization of Cyzicus, 
of which we find no trace in the language or institutions of the 

The Lydian monarchy collapsed in the middle of the sixth 
century, and the Persian empire took its place, without greatly 
changing the status of the semi-dependent Greek colonies. The 
Persian, like most oriental administrations, admitted readily of 
the establishment of local "tyrants" responsible only to the 
central government, and, save for the matter of tribute, inde- 
pendent : under Cyrus, a Cyzicene Pytharchus, not content with 
the seven cities granted him by his royal master, made an armed 
attempt on the liberty of his native city*. The Cyzicenes 
resisted him with spirit and beat him off, but in the succeeding 
reign we find tyrants of Cyzicus (Aristagoras), and of Procon- 
nesus (Metrodorus), taking part, with their colleagues from the 
other cities of the Propontis, in the Thracian campaign of 
Darius\ The latter, or his lieutenant, seems to have been a 
harder master than Cyrus*. Not only did he exact the last 
penny of his tribute, but the fairest maidens of Cyzicus were 
selected for a present to his daughter*. , 

1 Hdt. I. 9o. 

' De Mag, Rom. ni. 70, rdt JiaAp€^^Lo/^^ tmikt {rp6f ri/ii/if a&roO iT»6ftaaw) ol 
K6^ow olKtffOfTtt (aL oMfooMrtt) Mrya^eit. The last word may have slipped in from 

> Athen. i. 30. ^ Hdt. iv. 138. 

• Cf. Hdt. ni. 89. • Sttid. s.v. ^eoicXvT^ai'rctsAel. frag. 359. 



In the Ionian revolt the city, like most of her neighbours, 
made a bid for independence, but when Proconnesus and Artace 
were burnt by the Phoenician fleet after the battle of Lade and 
the fall of their parent Miletus, Cyzicus avoided their fate by 
a timely submission to Oebareus, the Satrap of DascyliumV 
Later, in the expedition of Xerxes against Greece, the 
Hellespontine Greeks supplied the Persian with a fleet of a 
hundred ships*. 

The struggle between Darius and Xerxes and the Greeks 
was partly at least a revenge for the interference of Athens 
between the Great King and his subjects: the result of the 
unexpected success of the Greeks, who had never so nearly 
attained to unity and genuine Panhellenic enthusiasm, was to 
turn their eyes once more to their still enslaved compatriots in 
Ionia. After the decisive victory of Mycale, the combined 
Greek fleet made for the Hellespont, and after besieging and 
taking Sestos, passed through to Byzantium. Cyzicus very 
probably came over the same year (478), and was henceforward 
a member of the Delian confederation. The table published in 
the Corpus of Attic inscriptions', which gives an interesting 
view of the relative importance of several towns concerned in 
the history of Cyzicus in the latter half of the fifth century, 
assesses them as follows: 

Artace 2000 dr. 

Besbicus 3000 dr. 

Cyzicus 9 talents 

» Hdt. VI. 33. • Hdt. VII. 95. » Vol. I. p. ««S. 


Dascylium 500 dr. 

Didymoteichus icxx) dr. 

Harpagium 300 dr. 

Lampsacus 12 talents, decreasing to 10 1. 2700 dr. 

in the period B.C 425 AT. 

Priapus 500 dr. 

Proconnesus 3 talents 

while the Byzantines begin with 15 talents, and rise to over 21 \ 
The Hellespontine tributaries with the rest of the Asiatic 
allies were ripe for defection after the humiliation of their 
suzerain in Sicily. They had been apathetic ever since the 
danger from Persia was no longer immediate, while the mis- 
appropriation of the common funds had shewn them that 
Athens could no longer be trusted to maintain her legitimate 
position with regard to her free allies : in her present straits her 
defeats would have to be made good by additional contributions 
from themselves, in return for which they could expect no 
adequate defence, should need arise. The oligarchic factions 
embraced the opportunity to intrigue with Sparta, disregarding 
in characteristic fashion the fact that the latter was now pledged 
in return for supplies of money to forward the Great King's 
claim to the cities of Asia : the danger was for the moment 
averted by a change in the political relations of the volatile 
Alcibiades, who, disowned by the Spartans, turned against them 
such influence as he possessed with Tissaphemes. The Spartan 
admiral Mindarus, therefore, decided to act without waiting for 
help from Persia. In the Hellespont Abydus, Byzantium and 
Cyzicus' had already deserted Athens at the instigation of 
Clearchus, and Mindarus hoped to win over the other cities to 
his cause. 

In this he was disappointed : the decisive action at Cynos- 
sema (411) opened the Hellespont to the Athenians, who sailed 
through, and captured eight ships of the revolted Byzantium, 
which they found at anchor in the roadstead of Priapus ; they 

^ The amount of the Zeleian contribution has not come down to us, though the 
name of Zeleia figures. 
' Diod. Sic. xni. 40. 


then made a successful descent on Cyzicus, which was unwalled\ 
recalled it to its alliance, and exacted large arrears of tribute 
from the inhabitants*. In the ensuing season, however, Min- 
dams anticipated them and took the city by storm. 

Alcibiades, however, hearing that Mindarus was at Cyzicus, 
B«ttic of s^i)^ ^is ships forward to Sestus, where he was 

cysictta>. 4^ joined by Thrasyllus, and thence to Proconnesus. 
After waiting there two days, he crept upon Cyzicus unawares 
during a rain-storm : the ships of Mindarus were exercising in 
the bay, and, seeing the hostile fleet approaching, retreated to 
the land and stood on the defensive. Alcibiades with his 
squadron attacked, and by a simulated flight tempted them out 
to sea, till they were far enough to be cut off" by the wings under 
Thrasyllus and Theramenes. The fleet of Mindarus was com- 
pletely defeated, and retired in disorder to the shore, to concert 
with the land force of Pharnabazus. But Alcibiades had also 
landed troops^ and desperate fighting took place on the beach, 
in the course of which Mindarus was slain. Alcibiades finally 
towed off his prizes in triumph to Proconnesus. On his return, 
he was well received by the Cyzicenes, and, beyond exacting 
large sums of money, took no vengeance for their defection. 
They acknowledged their obligation, for Athenaeus* tells us 
that whenever Alcibiades took a journey they undertook to 
provide him with sacrificial animals. 

* Thttc. VIII. 107. Diod. Sic. xiu. 40. This deuU, insisted on by both authors, 
needs expUnation, for the evidence of the stnter-coinage shews that Cyiicus was 
already an important commercial town, surely implying that it must have been walled 
before this. Moreover, the description uf the siege by Mindarus (ra#ar r^ 9i^«^u» 
iltfiipa09 Kol rj^ wSkap w9pu^Tpar9w49tvat) implies a fortification. An already existing 
wall may have been dismantled on the triumph of the Philo-Spartan party as at 
Teos (Thttc. viii. 16). Frontinus (ill. 9. 6) insists that the city was walled when 
Alcibiades took it in 410: but his account quite ignores the naval engagement, and 
has no points in common with the other authors. ** Alcibiades,** he says, "attacked 
by night, and sounding his trumpets at one point of the fortifications sent his storm- 
ing party to another part, which was left undefended by the rush of the citizens to 
the threatened point.'* Frontinus' object being to illustrate strategy rather than 
history, it may reasonably be doubted whether the story is correctly applied to 

* Diod. Sic. XIII. 49. 

* Xen. //iU. t. 1. to; Diod. xiii. 49, 50; Plut. Vi/. Ale, s8; Polyaen. I. 40. 9. 
Artstides t. 964, Dind. 

* Diodonis. * xii. 534. 


The battle of Aegospotami (405) made an end of the pre- 
tensions of Athens to empire ; the cities of Asia were occupied 
by Spartan Harmosts and governed by Philo-Spartan oli- 
garchies, the Spartans being still hand and glove with the Persian^ 
Cyzicus was among the number of the Spartan conquests, as 
casual hints in Xenophon' shew. The Spartan rule was detested 
with far more reason than the Athenian by the Asiatic Greeks : 
not to mention specific autocratic acts, the supremacy of the 
oligarchic faction was at variance with the traditions of the 
trading communities of Ionia. From it they were saved by the 
growing jealousy between Persia and Sparta, culminating in the 
victory of the Athenians, obtained only by Persian aid, at 
Cnidus (394). Athens again endeavoured to assert her h^e- 
mony, and a new naval league, including Byzantium and 
probably the rest of the Hellespontine cities', was initiated 
by Thrasybulus. This league came to an end with the dis- 
graceful peace of Antalcidas (386), which resigned the cities of 
Asia to Artaxerxes. 

The Ionian cities had been granted a provisional freedom by 
Phamabazus and Conon^ nor have we evidence that Cyzicus 
ever received a Persian garrison during the succeeding period. 
A definite break with Persia occurred about 364, when the city 
was besieged, evidently by the Hellespontine satrap, and relieved 
by the Athenian Timotheus^ who enlisted it as an ally of 
Athens : but a few years later a wanton insult by an Athenian 
official was sufficient pretext for a rupture. The notorious 
Midias, on a privateering expedition, fell in with a Cyzicene 
merchant vessel, attacked it, and relieved it of upwards of five 

' During the period 411-594 Phamabazus struck money in Cyzicus {B. Af. Cat. 
lomiot 335, 19, pL xxxi. 5). 

* Hell. III. 4, 10, li. Anab. vix. a. A Cyzicene ApoUophanes is also 
mentioned as negotiating between Phamabazus and Agesilaus. ffill. iv. i, 19. 
Pint. Agis. IS. 

' Xen. Hell. iv. 8. 16. Cf. Milanges tU Numismaiique 11. 7, where the Samian 
type of Heracles and the serpents is shewn to occur on coins of Rhodes, Cnidus, 
Ephesus, Lampsacus and Cyzicus, perhaps implying that these were all members 
of the new league. 

^ Xen. Hell. I v. 8. i, 3. 

* Diod. Sic. XV. Nepos, Ttm. i. Cf. J. P. Six in Num. Ckrm. 1898, 18 (on a 
stater with supposed head of Timotheus). 


talents. The Cyzicenes bfx>ught the matter before the Athenian 
governnnent, and Midias actually managed to justify his course 
of action to the ecclesia^ Henceforward Cyzicus threw off her 
allegiance and b^an to take up an independent position as one 
of the important commercial states of Asia. In 362 Athens 
was humiliated by the conquest of Proconnesus, and the trans- 
portation of its inhabitants (her allies) to Cyzicus\ and the latter 
state was fairly embarked on her imperial policy. 

> Demosth. im Mid, 570, par. 173, and Schol. mdloe, 

' Dem. in PolycL 1307 (Paus. viii. 46). Spite may have bad something to 
do with the Cyaicene interference with the Black Sea com-ihipt. The incident is 
dated by the archonship of Molon. 



Strabo has compared the autonomous government of Cyzicus 
with that of Rhodes, and the two cities have many other points 
of similarity, which invite the comparison. Both, rising into 
prominence when the decay of the old Greek political ideals was 
already far advanced, belong essentially to the Hellenistic age, 
whose practical levelling tendencies blot out the original racial 
distinctions between Dorian and Ionian colonies. In history 
and politics both are island states, rich in trade and sea-pgwer, 
and largely independent of continental affairs : both with far- 
seeing shrewdness court the rising star, and ally themselves in 
turn with the dynasts of Pergamon and with the growing power 
of Rome, thus maintaining their prosperity continuously into 
imperial times. 

As commercial and naval powers Rhodes and Cyzicus, with 
the latter's neighbour and rival Byzantium, are supreme in their 
comer of the world throughout the Hellenistic period. Rhodes 
was the broker between Rome on the one hand and Egypt and 
Syria on the other, while Byzantium stood inevitably on the 
route of every ship passing out of the Black Sea : to her, already 
in the fifth century the most prosperous city of the Hellespontine 
tribute, fell the lion's share of the Thracian and South Russian 
trade and of the Black Sea fisheries. 

Cyzicus' position as r^^rds the Hellespont, especially during 
her alliance with Pergamon, resembles that of Byzantium with 
r^ard to the Bosporus : her native resources were by no means 
scanty : the territory on the mainland afforded her com, meat 
and wine enough for home consumption, while the mines and 
forests of Ida supplied her builders and her shipwrights with 
metals and timber. 


As regards exports, the marble of Proconnesus, wine, salt- 
fish and the unguents* of Cyzicus, had indeed a name outside 
her borders, but these were a poor set-off against the trade of 
the Black Sea — the electrum of the Urals, from which the 
Cyzicene staters were coined, and the wheat of the South 
Russian plains. The remote Hellenism of the Euxine de- 
manded, as was natural, manufactured goods in return for its 
raw produce, and it was her superior facilities for supplying these 
which allowed Cyzicus to hold her own even against Byzantium. 
Situated as she was on an island which had become at her will a 
peninsula, the city secured to a large extent the advantages of 
both conditions, and in times when the risks of sea transit were 
manifold it is hard to overestimate the value to Cyzicus of the 
Macestus valley road, which connected her with Smyrna and the 
southern ports, no less than with the manufacturing inland 
towns of Asia. 

In point of time Cyzicus had some years start of Rhodes, for 
her staters' were a standard medium of international exchange 
at the time of the Anabasis of Xenophon, and bear witness to 
her connections not only with Ionia, Thrace, and Greece Proper, 
but even with Magna Graecia and Sicily before the middle of the 
fourth century*. 

The inscriptions of the autonomous period attest also the 
friendly public and private relations of her citizens with Rhodes, 
Panticapaeum, Paros, Ceos, Tanagra, Oreus and I lion, and of 
her official participation in the cultus of Delos and Delphi, 
Branchidae and most of all Samothrace^ with whose mysterious 
gods she was possibly associated by some lost tradition of the 
Argonauts. The Hellenistic period also, as the compilation of 
evidence in Marquardt's Book III. 3 — 4 shews, is responsible for 
her greatest literary and artistic output. Cyzicene artists and 
authors would be naturally attracted by the intellectual atmo- 
sphere of Pergamon, and our scant evidence does not permit us 

' Athcn. XV. 688. Plin. xiil. s. Pans. iv. 35. 

* For the Cyzicene sUtert see Lenonnant m Khf, Uum. 1856, «nd Green well, 
7)1/ tUcirum foinofft of Cyuats, EupolU frag. 5 is particularly valuable evidence 
for their early repute, 

* Greenwell, p. 48. * C./.(7. 1157, 9158 etc. 


to attribute any independent school of thought to the essentially 
commercial city. 

In the history of Alexander's conquests Cyzicus plays but 
a passive part : the measure of her autonomy under the Persian 
regime at this period is shewn by the preliminary episode of the 
attempt of Memnon. 

When the news of Alexander's preparations for his Asiatic 
Memnon the Campaigns came to the ears of Darius III., the latter 
RhodiM, 335 determined on an effort to hold the Hellespontine 

province against him, and deputed a small body 
of 5000 mercenaries under Memnon of Rhodes to surprise the 
free city of Cyzicus^ The isthmus was evidently bridged, or at 
least practicable for a land force, already, for Memnon (owing, 
Polyaenus says, to his disguising his force as Macedonians) all 
but succeeded in his enterprise of capturing the city. Failing 
in this, he sat down before it, wasting and spoiling the land, 
till the advent of the Macedonians diverted his attention. 
Alexander himself crossed the Hellespont in 334 and, receiving 
the submission of Priapus on his way, met the Persian satraps 
on the Granicus*. So great was the moral effect of his victory 
that he advanced no further east, but sent Parmenio to take 
possession of the satrapy and himself turned south on his career 
of conquest Parmenio took Dascylium without resistance, and 
the satrapy was administered on the old lines: 2^1eia, which 
had taken part against Alexander under compulsion, was par- 
doned, while Cyzicus retained her freedom*. 

On Alexander's death the satrapy of Lesser Phrj^gia fell to 
Leonnatus, and in 321 by the partition of Triparadisus to 
Arrhidaeus. The latter, anxious to secure a strong base in his 
province, immediately bethought him of Cyzicus as the largest 
and best defended place in the satrapy. He first^ attempted 

* Diod. xvii. 7. Polyaen. v. 44. 

* Arrian I. laff. PluL AUx. f6. Diod. Sic. xvii. 15. //. Alex, xix. XXII. 

' The coins strack in the name of Alexander with ro.m. torch date alter his time 
(see Miiller, Momnmes tfAiexandre^ 993). 

* I have rerersed Marquardt's order for the doable attempt of Arrhidaeiis, since it 
seemed (i) that treachery was the first and most obvious method to occur to a Greek 
politician : and (i) that the downfall of Arrhidaeus followed close on the heels of his 
retirement from Cyzicus. 


to win her over to his side by means of her own political 
divisions, and to this end subsidised a citizen of repute, by name 
Timaeus, to gain the aflfection of the proletariat by distributions 
of com and money ; but the scheme was discovered in time by 
the government, and Timaeus ended his days in dishonour*. 

Arrhidaeus next turned to arms* With a force of lOpOOO foot- 
mercenaries, I, coo Macedonian cavalry, 500 Persian slingers and 
archers and a siege-train, he set out for Cyzicus. His un- 
expected advent found the Cyzicenes quite unprepared, and for 
the most part scattered over the open country of the mainland : 
interposing himself between it and the city, he called on the 
inhabitants to surrender and submit to the imposition of a 
garrison. The citizens hastily manned the walls with boys and 
slaves, and made such show of resistance as they could, conscious, 
however, of the impossibility of sustaining a siege. They 
promised to accede to Arrhidaeus' demands except in the matter 
of the garrison, and when he still insisted, replied that the 
question must be laid in due form before the people By thus 
temporising they gained a respite of twenty-four hours, during 
which they launched ships, sent hastily to Byzantium for men 
and stores, and under cover of night ferried across their fellow 
citizens from the mainland. Arrhidaeus, who had not counted 
on their control of the sea, was completely disconcerted and 
eventually retired with loss. 

Antigonus, who had hoped to take advantage of the siege to 
rescue the city from Arrhidaeus and bind it to himself, now 
appeared with a very considerable force, but finding Arrhidaeus 
already disposed of, set out after him, with many protestations 
of his goodwill towards Cyzicus and his determination to 
uphold the liberties of the free cities ; which sentiments were 
doubtless assessed at their true value by the hard-headed 
traders behind the walls. 

The position of such towns as Cyzicus under the Diadochi 
was anomalous : as naval powers they were naturally the object 
of conciliatory overtures from the satraps of the mainland, while 
their own commercial interests were all for peace. Cyzicus at 
this period possessed land on the continent which must surely 

' Democharcs ap« Ath. xt. 509. * Diod. xviii. 51, 53. 


have been recognised as part of the " Hellespontine satrapy " of 
the Diadochi^ Refusal to submit to a nominal suzerainty would 
entail loss of this territory, and it is reasonable to suppose that 
a compromise was agreed upon, the relations of Cyzicus with 
the mainland authorities varying to a certain extent with the 
state of parties within her wallsw The agricultural proletariat 
which stood to lose immediately in the event of hostilities would 
be naturally more inclined to make concessions to the dynasts. 

The usual party bitterness of a Greek city is revealed by the 
incident related by the Pseudo-Aristotle', when the plutocrats 
are seen in eclipse, banished from the city, and deprived of their 
property, while the striking of coins with the Cyzicene mint- 
mark by Lysimachus and Antiochus I. and II.' may be 
evidence for a Seleucid ascendancy contemporaneous with the 
b^inning of the Pergamene alliance. The incident of the 
Cyzicene mercenaries sent to the relief of Byzantium, who 
refused to obey orders unless in accordance with home in- 
structions*, may, if referred to the si^e of Byzantium by 
Antiochus II.', be part of the same policy: but the history of 
the period is as fragmentary as the circumstances of the story 
are vague. 

The alliance of Cyzicus with the princes of Pergamon gives 
7,,^ a continuity to her history which has hitherto been 

Perfamenes. lacking. The Connection dates from the early 
years of Philetaerus the founder of the dynasty, an ally of 
Antiochus I., and ends only with the last of the line, after whose 
death the city came into immediate relations with Rome. 

One of the few important records of Cyzicus discovered 
during recent years* testifies to Philetaerus' personal bene- 
factions to the city, which were evidently a part of his known 
policy of conciliation towards the Asiatic states : they begin 
very soon after, if not before, his seizure of the throne. The 
inscription being dated by a brief mention of the Gallic invasion, 
Dr Cecil Smith has very plausibly argued that the king's gift of 

» Cf. Michel, Hecueil, 35. * Oeeon, a. 1 1. 

• Miillcr, Afonnaies (tAlexamire, 133. Monn, de Lysim, 381. 

• Aen. Tact. xii. • Droysen. 11. aSd. 

• Ifttcr. I. «3 (/,H.S, XXXI. 193. 3). See also R^E.G. 190a, 301-10. 


com in the year of the invasion of the Trocmi ^ implies that the 
Cyzicenes saved themselves on that occasion by severing their 
communication with the mainland and so from their home com 
supply. In other years his gifts consist according to circum- 
stances in oil and money for the games, horses, fiscal privil^es 
or military aid, shewing him to be a practical friend to the city. 

Cyzicus remained in alliance with his successors, and Attalus I. 
cemented the growing friendship by marrying Apollonis, the 
beautiful and exemplary daughter of a Cyzicene', whose greatest 
pride, Plutarch* tells us, though she had risen from private 
estate to be queen of the now flourishing realm of Pergamus, 
was in the loyalty of her other sons to their elder brother 
Eumenes II. 

In the reign of the latter, the Roman grant of Phrygia ad 
HelUspontum to the Kingdom of Pergamon^ brought the two 
states into still closer contact, and in the succeeding wars with 
Prusias II. of Bithynia, Cyzicus provided Athenaeus with twenty 
out of the eighty ships, with which he harried the Bithynian 
coast*. At the conclusion of the war the city was honoured by 
a state visit from Apollonis* who was escorted by her sons 
through the city of her birth. The Cyzicenes were so much 
struck by the devotion of her sons that they likened them to 
Cleobis and Biton, the Greek models of filial affection, and the 
temple erected to Apollonis in Cyzicus after her death, the 
Argive legend, and many others of the same character from 
Greek and Roman myth, were represented in relief on the bases 
of the columns ^ 

* Cf. Liv. XXXVIII. 16. • Slf. 6^4. • />!«/. Anwr, 3. 

^ B.C. 188. Liv. XXX VIII. 59. This seulenent was the conicqaence of the 
aggressions of Antiochas III., who appears actually to have occupied Cyxicus with 
a garrison about 196. The place is not mentioned by name, but the occupation 
seems obvious from a comparison of Appian, Syr, 1 ('BXX^rerWevf 49^91. of 
rpo^i^«rraff tipx^mn rift 'A^lmt 5n kuI w4>m* rOtr rift *AWat /3a#iX^w» ^n^roMr* •! fUw 
wXlo^u a&nf wpo9tTl$wT9 [Lampsacus and Smyrna are mentioned as exceptions in 
Syr. s] col ^povpdt Ut94x9'^T9 Mtc rtf rift AX(^««m) and i6U, is where Cysicus is 
among the cities Antiochus proposes to surrender. 

* Polyb. XXXIII. 13s. Cf, InscT. I v. 40 (if this is not Miletopolitan), where rl 
KarA^pait r a. arc mentioned. 

* Polyb. XXII. so. 
' jIm/A. /W. III. 


In this worship of ApoUonis the Roman imperial cultus 
finds its prototype: it must have been just as important a 
political asset to the PergamenesM the benefactor Philetaerus 
was already commemorated by games", as the Roman Muciea 
precede the Imperial cultus. The worship of Apollonis, we 
gather from parallels at Teos', included also the rest of the 
royal house, who through her had Cyzicene blood in their veins, 
though until their death they were not recognised as gods; 
while ApoUonis' Teian epithet of Apobateria appears to identify 
her with the Marine Aphrodite', just as Livia was later associated 
with Athena, and Faustina assimilated to Kore. 

The connection with Pergamum also brought to Cyzicus the 
cult of Asklepios as well as the worship (inaugurated by the 
dynasts) of Athena Nikephoros", while in the reign of Attalus III. 
Athenaeus, a Cyzicene citizen of Apollonis' family, was pre- 
sented to the important priesthood of Dionysus Kathegemon 
at Pergamum*. Artistically also the inclusion of a Cyzicene 
Stratonicus^ among the sculptors of the battle groups com- 
memorating the victories of Attalus and Eumenes is significant. 

In external politics as a whole the town plays a passive 
part during this period. Her policy, like that of Rhodes and 
other commercial states, was peaceful, and unless forced, she 
avoided war in the interests of trade. The citizens witness the 
treaty between Eumenes II. and Phamaces in 179' and appear 

^ They used it certainly to cement their relations with Miletus. Arch. Am, 
1904, I. 9. 

* Inscr. II. 19. 

* Le Bas 88. CJ.G, 3067, 3068, 3070. The latter are connected with the 
Ionian and Hellespontine Dionysiac artists. 

^ Cf. also Stratonice at Smyrna. The temple of ApoUonis m/iy have stood near the 
north-west comer of the central harhour, where there are ruins (De RustaQaell marks 
** Temple"?). This is a very suitable place if the queen was "Ecbateria" and 
the Philetaerus stele is from the immediate neighbourhood. The temple seems from 
Anih. Pal, in. to have been recognisable in comparatively late times. 

* Cf. B.CH, IV. 573. Franckel, Inschr. v. Pergaman 167. Strabo 614. 

* Friinckel 148. 

' Overbeck, SchriftqutlUn 1994- Other Cyzicene artists are collected by Marquardt, 
Book III. 3, 7. Most of them are, however, litUe more than names to us, and 
in general serve only to illustrate the prosperity and consequence of the city in the 
Hellenistic age: nor can any detail be added to the minute account of Marqwutlt. 

* Polyb. XXV. 1. 13. 


to have been on good terms with Antiochus Epiphanes who 
gave magnificent presents to the Prytaneum' at Cyzicus as to 
the city at Rhodes. Antiochus IX. was even sent to Cyzicus 
for- his education' as his brother Grypus was to Athens, and 
apparently raised troops there to fight against his rival: he is 
the first of several foreign princes who were brought up in the 
city, it being apparently famous for its educational institutions. 

1 Lit. XLI. to. 

' App. Syr. 68. Joseph. Ant,Jud, xiii. la f. Euseb. Ckrom. i. xl. 19. 

H. It 



The extinction of the royal house of Pergamon brought 
Cyzicus into immediate relations with the Romans, who respected 
her freedom, and found in her a loyal and powerful ally. The 
rising of Aristonicus did not shake her loyalty, and his attempted 
si^e was rendered abortive by the appearance of Nicomedes of 
Bithynia in answer to a summons of the Romans\ 

Mithradates was equally unsuccessful. In 85 his son was 
defeated on the Rhyndacus near Miletupolis' by Fimbria, who, 
being encamped opposite him, crossed the river by night and 
surrounded the hostile camp; he entrenched his own position 
and awaited attack at dawn ; when it came, his wings immediately 
closed and the enemy was completely out-manceuvred. The 
Cyzicenes opened their gates to the conqueror, who disgusted 
them by his insolence and cruelty: he killed two of their 
prominent citizens and threatened the lives of the others if they 
did not pay him a substantial ransom'. Nothing could be more 
calculated to alienate an ally. 

Cyzicus, however, remained loyal : the third Mithradatic 
The Mithra. ^^^ Opened With the successful operations of the 
datic Siege, king before Chalcedon, where he shut up Cotta, 

and, bursting the chain which defended the harbour 
mouth, burnt four and towed out sixty ships. Of these ten 

^ Inscr. I. 7 : but this again may refer to Miletnpolis. 

' Oros. VI. 2 S 10* Memnon 54. Frontin. in. 17. 5. C/.C7. ^55. 

* Diodor. frag, xxxvili. 8. 3. 

* Pint. Vii. Zucuil. 9; Appian, de BdL MUhr. 73; Sallust, fragg. in. 508, 
IV. 315, VI. 337 (Valpy); Strabo xii. 575; Diod. Sic. frag. (ap. Fr, Hist, Gr. 11.) 
XXIV. § 33 ; Memnon 40; Flonis L. 40; Li v. Epit. xcv.; Frontin. in. 136, iv. 5. 11 ; 
Anr. Victor, vi. 74; Amm. Marc, xxiii. 956; Sid. ApoU. xix. 163 ff., xxii. 51 1 ff. ; 
Orosins vi. 9. 14; Snidas s.¥. B^p/iia=Ael. frag, is; Cicero, pro Mmtii, 8, 
fro Archia, 8; Pliny xvil. 944; Porph. ifo Abst. i. 35; Paul. Diac. vi. 4. 6; Th. 
Reinach, Mith, Eupator^ 335, and Inscr. p. 30a below. 


were from Cyzicus, and three thousand of her citizens fell alive 
into his hands. He determined to make use of this success and 
marched on the city : Lucullus met him near by» but Mithradates 
eluded him in the night, and took up his position before the 
walls with an immense army of 300,000 men and a fleet of 
400 ships, meaning to make it his headquarters for the ensuing 

Lucullus with five legions followed hard on his heels, and 
grasping at once the weak point in his opponent's plans, which 
lay in the difficulty of supplying his huge force with food, took 
up his position immediately behind him on the mainland, at the 
Thracian Village. Mithradates, relying on false information to 
the eflect that the Fimbrian legions, which formed part of 
Lucullus' force, were ripe for desertion, carelessly abandoned 
his strong outpost on Adrasteta, whose immediate occupation by 
Lucullus effectually cut ofl* his supplies from the mainland. 

Mithradates then gave his whole attention to the siege : he 
blocked the passage through the isthmus ; his fleet closed the 
mouth of the war port with a double stockade, while his army 
surrounded the town with a chain of ten forts. The Cyzicenes 
at first despaired : Mithradates paraded the prisoners of 
Chalcedon before the walls, and the citizens were assured that 
the army of Lucullus, which they could see on the high ground 
about the Thracian Village, was merely a reinforcement sent to 
Mithradates by his Armenian ally. So convinced were they of 
this that the messenger passed through the hostile fleet by 
Lucullus was discredited, and only the obstinate attitude of the 
governor, Pisistratus, prevented a surrender. The defenders 
were at length convinced of Lucullus' presence by the testimony 
of a prisoner, and a small body of men which slipped into the 
town under cover of darkness in a boat brought overland from 
the lake of Manyas encouraged them to continue the re- 

The king now determined at all costs to storm the town : 
his grain ships were already, owing to the lateness of the season, 
becoming few and far between, the continental roads were held 
against him, and he counted on the granaries of the city for the 
winter. He commenced to throw up a series of earthworks and 

12 — 2 


to construct immense siege engines. In particular he built 
a tower on two quinqueremes for an assault on the harbour 
walls. An attempt with this great bridging tower was so far 
successful that the defenders were driven back, but the storming 
party did not follow up their advantage, and the four men who 
made good their entrance were killed by the rallying citizens : 
the fleet was beaten off from the walls. A further attempt was 
made from the land, and towards evening the wall was breached 
by fire : the still smoking aperture was, however, for the moment 
impracticable, and in the ensuing night the citizens made good 
the damage. 

The gods themselves fought on the side of the besieged : at 
the feast of Persephone, the Cyzicenes, despairing of obtaining 
the offering demanded by usage, were about to sacrifice a cake 
made in the shape of a heifer, when the selected victim of the 
goddess swam unscathed from the mainland to the city and 
offered itself for sacrifice : Persephone herself appeared to the 
town clerk, promising in mysterious words "to send the flute- 
player of Libya upon the trumpeter of Pontus," and next 
morning the siege engines of the king were prostrated by 
a violent south wind. At Ilium Athena appeared in dishevelled 
dress saying that she came from the fight at Cyzicus^ 

Mithradates' advisers warned him to give up the siege, after 
these repeated evidences of divine disfavour. He consented 
only to send away his baggage train, taking advantage of an 
attack by Lucullus, into Bithynia : but it was intercepted at the 
Rhyndacus and cut to pieces. The king ventured a last throw, 
and spent time and labour on a new series of earthworks from 
the side of the island. Winter now came on in earnest, and 
disease and famine made ravages in the besi^ers' camp. The 
new earthworks were mined, and the king himself, by the 
strategy of a Roman centurion in charge of the sappers, with 
whom he attempted to negotiate', all but captured ; the besieged, 
whose food supplies still held out, encouraged by the miserable 
condition of the enemy, made frequent sallies. 

1 Cf. the interrention of Isis on behalf of Rhodes in the Mithrtdatic siege. App. 
Bell. MUh, 17. 

< Diodonxs. Cf. Straba 


Mithradates, finding that his position was untenable and 
having no hopes of bettering it, at last decided to retire. The 
army made the best of its way by land to Lampsacus, but lost 
heavily at the flooded crossings of the Aesepus and Granicus 
which were held by LucuUus' troops. The king himself set out 
by sea to Parium ; the besieged took advantage of the confusion 
during the embarkation to make a sally, and it was only after 
desperate fighting on the shore that a portion of the fleet was 
able to get away. 

LucuUus entered the gates in triumph, hailed as the saviour 
of the city, and many years after his services were commemo- 
rated by the games called LucuUea instituted in his honour. 
The relief of the city counted for one of his finest services, 
while full credit was given to the Cyzicenes for their gallant 

The Romans in recognition of her loyalty awarded her the 
title of a free city S and added to her borders a great deal of the 
surrounding country ; in Strabo's* time her territory extended 
westwards to the Aesepus and the plain of Adrasteia, south- 
wards to the lake of Manyas, eastward to the Rhyndacus and 
the lake of Apollonia, and even beyond the river to the country 
about the Odryses. 

This great dramatic event in the history of a city famed 
hitherto rather for her commerce than her arms, brought about 
a curious revival of the Epic spirit To the citizens of a later 
day it was a heroic episode, one of those occasions when Homer's 
gods came down to fight with men for Hellenism against 
barbarism, and we are justified in supposing that the Roman 
LucuUus was enrolled as a city hero in official cultus. The 
incident of the siege thus became a link with Rome, welded not 
only by sentiment but by facts. 

* Stf. 176. Suet. 7»*. 37. ■ 376. CC 551, 58a. 



In the succeeding period we find Cyzicus one of the most 
energetic naval allies of Rome, lending ships freely to her great 
ally. She sent a contingent to the aid of Caesar in the Alex- 
andrian warS and again to the Libyan campaign s^ainst the 
rallying Pompeian party". 

After Caesar's death, Cyzicus was selected by the tyranni- 
cides as the headquarters of their fleet during the 


short-lived resistance to the young Augustus'. The 
honours decreed to Herostratus, the emissary of Brutus (in which 
decree Cyzicus was evidently concerned, if indeed Herostratus 
was not a Cyzicene^X ^"^ Brutus' choice of the city as an asylum 
for his young prot6g6 the Thracian prince Satala*, argue no 
great attachment to Caesar's memory: but on the other hand it 
may be contended that the tyrannicides' appointment at least 
was perfectly l^al, that it was hard enough even in the capital 
to distinguish the constitutional party, and that the presence of 
Brutus would naturally count for a good deal*. 

^ Inscr. I. la * Inscr. i. ii. C.l.G. 5665. 

* Pint. Brutus^ 38, rovrurdr i»Jkw i^prdero rHiSw iw Bi^vrff Ktd wtpl K^j*uror, w€fi 
9' a&rht iwi^ mBiaraTO. rAt vdXctt <rai rect 3warrcut ixfi^M^ri^ etc. 

* Inscr. I. 19. * App. Bsii. Civ. iv. 75. 

* To this period ostensibly belong the canons '* Letters of Bnitns" of which 
I print the Cyzicene series (after Westermann*s edition) below, as not easily accessible. 
They are presumably based on the passage of Plutarch quoted above. 

Xc'. BpeOrof KvfUciyirwf. T4 Awb BiBwUis &r\oL wapavi/K^rt ixp*^ *BXXi|0ir6rrov if 
/card T^r 1) imrd tfdXarray in$4/ui'0i. 9ie$oia$€ 8* or a^rol /idXiara rSjt Hwot nbrOv 
vapojco^d^. tl /idrroi fipa8&r€potf ^ dci ^/mt IX0m, wt dtr c/ cat vapdwoM ^uptlii ^ ml 
Ord TtNff roXefUocff T^otro 6^* itiiSm liducifaBai dS^ofUP, 

\S^. KvfUniroi Bpo&rtf. lleLptLr4fi^ai rd ArXa iral xatd 7^ &d rout woXtfjdovt koI 
vaiwl Ml rovf x«M^3rat X"^^^^^^* fUXtrra vwi rd &arru6rara ^M^^«Froff, mxvHJra kuX 


After Philippic the eastern half of the empire fell to Antony: 
and it was by the aid of a contingent of gladiators stationed 
within her walls by the latter that Cyzicus was enabled to 
beat off the attack by land and sea of Sextus Pompeius in 
35, during the last bid for power made by that adventurer in 

It may be that Augustus bore Cyzicus a grudge for the part 
she had taken in the civil wars, and that this helped 
to secure their disfranchisement in B.C 20* : but the 
charge of scourging and killing Roman citizens is obviously one 
which could not for the sake of precedent be overlooked by the 
government : one can at the same time well imagine that any 
assumed superiority on the part of the resident Romans would 
easily incur the resentment of the free citizens, and thus lead to 

Xf. B.-K. 'Em#ilr#v ^ ^X« ral Ht ip fimi>i6fu0* mpU. r^t \nrwpnfimM •dr 
X^\ K.-a Oiht K4pd9»9 iXwtSi #rvctf#a^«ci' I /W^nXat ofhf c/t rA Xmwk 

Xt, B.-K. 01 vpi^fint ^fA 4iaal €w4rvxa9 ^wiotm M rAr viXt/im nl 
wwipmi90i r% #i9MMix^t Ur/rrvor, dM^ticv o/rui^roi mi t^ AwptU tA CMri. Mnucr 

wpokafifi^ iXHBmf rf ^ 4##ffrff(f ^m^, ifr •/»&#•#, jj^ttmc rtA^turrUi^ ykp mm fa^ ##1» 
iicotfwr (rx^ir iraffsdf lrr«f. rodt d' i»3^t it/tOif 0VfikfUx9v% /Uv o^M, Or»i»ry^ M 
ffoi iMnvt I^M. XAif^ff d* ^^t •M«Mdf M 0«u^ H|t ^« rod roX^^Aov i/^trmrxfi^ pUtm^ 9l 

T«2f v«H^ roO iMftttit ftmprvpufHp ^Mcca vm^rfC«#M. ^cl M rtit irarA wpotUpte» 9&x 
dtwvrrtt ^pioMoOrvF •! «u^, H te< f^p^t 9x9pmt ^#m9^«« H^ r^ iur^im^nmw ; wip 
ykp mZ To^rarWop /USit irmhfrrim fuymk^^ffvximMf m r^ W9\v6idptlk t9^ 6f$m 
fttu«n|r«rr«t, odn# 9^ kqI nryyrtipMp ^vtvn^llm x^^i^*<• ^^ ^ ""P^ ^^^'cc^m 
rf 4lir«^ l^i^ V«^» (Stfv«p o^x' '^^ AXc^rtiF ^AXorrw, ^#or im ^fwf hH$. r^h 
fUw 9»9 ip9pmt tirt wvpLpidx^vt •trt ^rov^^ovf ^#A«if , o# <ii»6»afa ^4^ vcpi 4r«MrMr, 
AvttT** V^t M << drrynteffi^fttv rif clt nAr whknpm Ari<«t, a^c ^ 4$*paw9^it» mArkt 
wpwfkvhputp^i^ Fvrl M ««4 r4 /lAnrrm c^Amiw vtpt r«v mI r^ Ala rporlocdrrvt, 
W ««1 rdr 49wuiUm dv«XA#9#^«^a «m 4xPp^* ^ 7«vr X*^* |mM|«#m» t^ ^IXm. 

> App^ .A/A Cfv. V. 137. The gUdiaton, we are told hj Dio (li. 17), wete 
being trained by Antony Sot the garnet by which he intended to tignaliae his victoiy 
over Octaviannft. After Actium they made for Egypt overland, but were intercepted 
in Cilida. 

' Dio Cass. uv. 7. Saeton. Ang> 47. Zon. x. 34. Syncellos 593 B. Augustus 
probably visited Cyticus in penon, cf. inscr. and note in Mir, s. AU, Gtttk. v. joo. 


a serious disturbance warranting a curtailment of their privileges^ 
For general reasons '^ free cities " in Asia were not desirable, as 
hindering the consistent government of the province as a whole, 
and a maritime state especially had a dangerous amount of power. 
Rhodes was similarly disfranchised by Claudius. 

The freedom of the city was restored* by Agrippa during his 
eastern progress' (17 — 13 B.C), as appears from an inscription of 
the early part of Caligula's reign, mentioning the favour of 
Agrippa and implying that he was considered the second founder 
of the city^: a temple of Augustus was at the same time begun. 
The empress Livia, probably to the disgust of Tiberius, was 
associated in the cult of the Pergamene Athena Polias Nike- 
phoros', and her priesthood was assumed by Tryphaena, wife of 
Cotys of Thrace, a benefactress of the city and a connection of 
the imperial house : an attempt was made to popularise the 
loyal cult by the celebration of the Panathenaea in honour of 
" Livia Sebaste Nikephoros and the greatest god Tiberius " with 
unusual splendour, and so of attracting to the festival by the 
proclamation of a free market the trade of the other cities of 
Asia. This is quite in accordance with that principle of Imperial 
Government which aimed at breaking down the barriers of local 
prejudice by making the cult of the emperors the rallying point 
of its heterogeneous empire: athletic festivals bringing inter- 
national commerce in their train were a powerful factor. 

Tiberius found reason to deprive the city once more of its 
privileges in 25 A.D., on account of an alleged mal- 
treatment of Roman citizens. A second charge was 
brought forward — ^rather characteristic, if we may believe Tacitus' 
accounts of Tiberius' punctilio on this point — imputing to the 
citizens neglect of the rites of the Divine Augustus, or, more 
specifically, failure to complete the heroon they had begun in 

^ The behaviour of Venes at Lampsacus (Cic. in Varr, I. 94) was probably not an 
isolated instance. 

' Dio Cass. Liv. 13. 

* This was perhaps the occasion when Agrippa bought the pictures mentioned by 
Pliny XXXV. 1% : his presence can be traced at Ilium (C/. G, 3609), where he was in 
16, Lampsacus (Str. 504), and Parium (coin in B. M. 85). 

^ Inscr. I. 14. 

' At PergamoQ Julia Livilla is the companion of Athena. Fraenkel il. 497, 498. 


his honour^ It is significant that in the following year when 
fourteen Asiatic cities, including several not of first-class im- 
portance, petitioned for leave to erect a temple to Tiberius, 
Cyzicus is not among them*. 

The death of Tiberius lifted the cloud. We have no definite 
mention of a second restoration of the franchise, but an inscrip- 
tion of the first year of Caligula*, couched in excessively loyal 
terms, in which moreover the young emperor is named as 
eponymous hipparch, warrants us in supposing that he was 
responsible for a restoration of some at least of the lost privi- 
leges: we may even surmise that this favour was obtained 
through the good offices of Tryphaena ; her influence at court, 
as Professor Ramsay has remarked, really dates from Caligula, 
who was a kinsman of hers through their common ancestress 
Antonia. Gaius Caesar is at once hipparch and god, no new 
combination for the Cyzicenes, who had already conferred the 
magistracy on Poseidon. As god the emperor is styled the new 
Sun^ while his deceased sister Drusilla figures as the New 
Aphrodite*, and is honoured like Livia with games. 

In the same reign Tryphaena, who, probably owing to her 
husband's ancestral connection with the town through Satala*, 
evidently took the keenest interest in it, undertook a thorough 
dredging and reconstruction of the harbours', including the 
reopening of the channels through the bridges ; these latter had 
been purposely blocked in the previous reign, probably with 
a view to securing communication with the mainland when 
pirates were rife in the Hellespont*. 

From Caligula to Hadrian, history fails us completely*. 

* Tac ^ifff. IV. 36. Suet. TiUrius^ 37. Dto Caat. LVi. 34. 

* Tac. Ann. tv. 95. * Inscr. I. 14. 

^ Inscr. I. 13. Suet. 99 tells ot that he was wonhipped ta Rome unofficially 
as Jupiter Latiaris, but had also a temple of his owd. 

* Inscr. I. 13. She was worshipped in Rome with the attributes of Aphrodite and 
the name of Panthea (Dio Cast. LIX. 11) and at Smyrna with the attributes of 
Persephone (B. M, Caiml. lomU, 97 1. PI. xxxviii. 9. Cf. Miletus, B. M. 143, 
M ^Mr<XXa: see also 'A#vra«ay x. 538. « (Epidanrus)). 

* £pk. Efif, II. 951. ^ J.ff. S. XXII. 131 f. etc. 

* Cf. C./.a 3619. 

* To this period belongs a stray notice (in a scholion 00 Aristides, quoted by Kctl, 
Hermet^ 1897) of a palace built at Cysicus by Vespasian. 


Tryphaena's family apparently continued their interest in the 
city for several generations^ The joint dedication of the Roman 
residents and the Cyzicenes to Claudius' and the honorary ap- 
pointment of the praetor Fuscus under Hadrian to the office of 
strat^us points to an outward harmony at least between the 
natives and Romans*. 

The period of unsurpassed prosperity for the Roman pro- 
vinces which opened with the second century A.D. was naturally 
unproductive of historical events in the ordinary sense, and we 
have as yet, curiously enough, no record at Cyzicus of munificent 
and public-spirited citizens such as are characteristic of the age. 
Almost the only events are the occasional visits of the emperors, 
and the great festivals connected with their worship in the 
Asiatic cities. The position of Cyzicus in this period does not 
seem vitally different from that of the other great cities of Asia, 
and it is not apparent that she had regained the special privi- 
leges of a free city: the status of all cities was evidently 
equalised as much as possible under the imperial rule, on the 
one hand by the appointment of the imperial accountant (Xo- 
7i<rr^9) in the free cities, thus placing them in a direct relation 
to the government, and on the other by the extension of the 
privileges of the ordinary provincial towns. This equalising 
process culminates in the extension of the franchise to the whole 
Roman world under Caracalla. 

The senatorial rulers of the province are fairly often found 
occupying the magistracies of Cyzicus, among them the young 
Antoninus^ proconsul in 120*, who evidently visited Cyzicus 
during his term of office: it was here that he was given the 

^ Cf. Inscr. III. 46. S. Julius [Cotys?], perhaps m great-graodson of Tryphaena, 
contemporary with C. Julins Cotys temp. Titus at Lauodicen {Coli. IVadd, 6371, 637s). 

' Inscr. in. i. Here the Romans take ptrecedence of the Cyzicenes. In 
Inscr. III. 14 (a Greek inscription) the reverse is the case. 

' The reverse Heracles Ktistes on a coin of Domitian (Mionn. 163, Supp. si 3) rests 
on the doubtful authority of Sestini and Vaillant. Domitian was certainly worshipped 
as Heracles in Rome (Martial ix. 64, 65, loi) and Ktistes was a title easily earned in 
Asia by the foundation of games and institutions. Our only inscription of Domitian is 
from Apollonia (in. s). The dedication to Artemis Sebaste Baiiane at Buynk tepe 
keui on the upper Granicus (iv. (k>) seems to me another relic of local Flavian cultus. 
The goddess is perhaps Julia Titi. 

< Coin in Waddington Collection (Invwtaire 716). 

* Waddington, Fasta^ 724. 


rather obscure omen of his future career, " the crown of Jupiter 
(Hadrian ?) was transferred to his statue^" 

In 124* Hadrian himself on his Asiatic progress left abundant 
traces of his visit in the city and neighbourhood of Cyzicus. 
Hadriani, Hadrianeia, Hadrianopolis, and Hadrianutherae, took 
his name, while the numerous inscriptions, common also to the 
rest of Asia, naming him ** Olympian' Saviour and FounderV 
hint at his activity especially in the matter of building : this is 
exemplified at Apollonia by the still existent architrave blocks* 
of a building erected by him, and at Cyzicus itself by the 
immense temple associated with his name. The time of his 
visit was opportune, for the cities of the district had but a year 
before suffered severely from one of the periodical earthquakes. 

The history of Hadrian's temple has been rendered compli- 
Hadrian** cated by the assumption that Aristides' speech in 

Tcmpto. ,57 ^j5 f ^2^3 ^^de at the actual dedication of the 

temple ; this complication is avoided if we suppose (and I find 
nothing in the words of the speech or its lemma to contradict 
the supposition) that it was made at the dedication anniversary 
— naturally the day on which the games were held : the era of 
the Olympia at Cyzicus is shewn by Boeckh' to have been 
139 A.D. Thus it would not be necessary for Aristides to allude 
to the vicissitudes of the templets history as it would be in an 
inaugural speech. 

The history of the temple then becomes easily understood. 
The building was begun, as we know from a scholiast on 
Lucian*, some centuries before the time of Hadrian, but, like 

* DiiiT, Jf^isem dit Aaiurs Htuhritm^ pp. 59, 67. 

* Socimtes ni. 13 (ad fin,) tayi Uiat Hadrian was reckoned the thirteenth Olympian 
at Cysiau. 

* Inicrr. in. 3—9 ind. • Inicr. vi. %\, 

* So Maiaon, ColL ad viiam Aristidis. 

' Adnot. in Ci.G, 3674. The chronology of Aristides and the temple is discusicd 
by Keil in fftrwust 1897, 497. His very infenious deductions from the EUm%tu$ 
speech as to damafe done to a temple of Persephone do not, I think, warrant the 
complete separation of this temple from that of Hadrian : it is perfectly in accord with 
what we know of Imperial Asia to suppose that Hadrian and Persephone were 
asfodated as < < i#ps»s<t e^)eciall]r ns a Penephooe- Faustina appean on the coinage. 

* itarmm, 14 (Rdts). The btX that the temple is built over a spring rather 
ioggesU that the site was old. 


the Olympieum at Athens, discontinued for want of funds. It 
may possibly have been the temple mentioned by Pliny* in the 
walls of which a gold thread was inlaid — a peculiarity noticed 
.by Cyriac" in the ruins he saw at Cyricus — and in which "was 
to be dedicated '* (significantly) a group of statuary representing 
Zeus crowned by Apollo. An earthquake in 123' called forth 
Hadrian's munificence during his visit to Cyzicus in the following 
year^ He gave large gifts to the city, began the temple, and 
paved an agora, most likely the one adjoining the temple. It 
was probably inaugurated, as we have said, in 139. It was 
apparently seriously damaged by an earthquake in the time of 
Antoninus', when a speech before the Senate by the young 
Aurelius secured further subsidies for the city*; the temple 
was still standing in the time of Anastasius^ and, in spite of 
the later earthquakes, thirty-one columns still remained in 
the middle of the fifteenth century*. There is every proba- 
bility that the life of the temple was prolonged by its use as 
a church in Byzantine times. A hint of this is given by the 
name " Hodja Kilisseh," given by the Turks to its ruins. 

Before or beside* the temple of Hadrian stood the great altar 
of Persephone. The features of the latter, as numismatists have 
remarked, are on coins frequently assimilated to those of 
Faustina the younger, and it is quite possible that the restored 
altar was dedicated to her: as a reference to her parentage may 

* iV.iy. XXXVI. ^3. 

* B.C,//. XIV. 540. Cf. CompUs Rendus Acad. Inscr. 1890, p. X17. 

* Joh. Malal. Xl. 3S179B. Chron. Pasck, 154, jcal iv Kvjticy voubnf Urtaw Jtol r^ 
#r atr% rXareioJ^ $cTpu99 ico^dpoct. 

^ Dttrr, Reisen des AT. Hadrian, pp. 54, 69. 

* Xiphilinus LXX. 4. Cf. Zonaras XII. i (for the earthquake Boissonade, Amcd. 
IV. 467). Keil puts the date between 150—155 a.d. (Lc. p. 501). 

* Fronto, /r//. ad Ani, I. 3, 163 A.D.? M. Antoninus as Caesar is concerned in 
the S.C. de Corpore Neon (C.I.G* 7060). Mommsen says '* Patrodnium quoddam 
Cyzicenorum apud eum, domumque eius fiiisse non sine veri specie conicietur " (Eph, 
Epig. III. 156). 

^ Anth. Pal, IX. 656. 

> Cyriac, see B.CM. xiv. 540. When Cyriac was at Cyzicus the building was 
already being plundered for building material, and dn Chastel saw the machines by 
which marble was raised for the turbeh of Mohammed III. The process has continued 
till very little marble remains on the spot. 

* So coins, but the great altar is usually placed at the west end of a temple. 


underlie the obscure ** nympharum a Jove productarum " of the 
inscription preserved by Cyriac 

Of the later Anton ines we have a hint at the worship of 
Commodus as the Roman Heracles^ and a mention of the games 
called Commodea*. 

The peace of Asia was interrupted at length by the civil war 
scvcnia mnd between Septimus Severus and Pescennius Niger. 
Niger, Cyzicus, unlike her rival Byzantium, was fortunate 

enough to choose the winning side, and saw with equanimity the 
defeat outside her walls of Aemilianus, the general of Niger, 
followed by his apprehension and death'. 

Caracalla, perhaps in consideration of the loyalty of Cyzicus 
to his father, granted the city the honour of a second Neocorate 
together with the title Antoniniane^ and probably g^mes called 
Antoninea*. Th. Reinach* has shewn that the attribution of 
the second neocorate to Severus^ based on the testimony of a 
coin published by Mionnet* after Sestini, is more than doubtful. 
Caracalla, besides being especially prodigal of neocorates, is 
known to have been at Nicomedia*, after visiting Pei^amon and 
Ilion in 214^^ so that Cyzicus would lie naturally on his way. 
The temple would very appropriately be designed for the 
worship of the family of Caracalla, including his father Severus 
and his mother Domna". 

1 Coin in Mionn. 108. Cf. Supp. 317. ' CAG. Ital, 738 (Naples). 

' So XiphiL LXXiv. 14, Herod, ni. i, who represent the campaign as foaght out 
in the Taurus. The Viiae (Severi 5, Pescennii 8, 9, cf. Oros. vn. 17, Paul Diac X., 
Aur. Victor. XX.) make the battle of Cyzicus the final engagement, and place after it 
the flight of Pescennius to the "palus" (the lake of Manyas?) and bis eaecution. 
A coin (Mionn. Supp. 365, B.M. 147) representing Severus with a trophy beside 
i river-god labelled Aese^^ gives some clue to the site of the battlefield. The 
comparative rarity of the name Pescennius tempts one to connect C./.(7. 3669, a 
dedication of Pescennius Onesimus to the Highest God, with this event, though, 
onless we r^;ard Onesimus as a deserted slave or freedman, it is hard to understand 
the expression t&xfl^^^rr/iptnw Wviyt. 

^ Mionn. 916—390 and Supp, 377 ff. 

* Cf. CJ.G, 946, 948 (Athens). Coins of Byzantium B.M. 76, 78, 98. Perrot 
and Guillanme Rxploralion de la Galatie I. 31 (91). 

* Xar. Num. viii. 944. ' Biichner de Neocoria p. 106. 

* Smfp. 368. Cf. 369, 370. 

* B.C.H. X. 405. Dio Cass. Lxxvii. 19. Herod, iv. 7—10. 
"• C./.Z. VI. 9103. 

^ The obscure reference in Dio LXXIX. 7, to an attempt by an adventurer to 


The empty honour of the neocorate, however, was more than 
counterbalanced by the material loss sustained by Cyzicus when 
Severus dismantled the fortifications of Byzantium in revenge 
for that city's support of Pescennius. This deprived Cyzicus 
and the Propontis of a very necessary protection, as was seen 
when some half century later the barbarians of the Black Sea 
shore began to sweep without hindrance through the Bosporus to 
ravage Bithynia and the Hellespontine province. Though the 
city appears never to have been actually sacked, it became the 
objective of repeated Scythian expeditions. We hear of at least 
three in the pages of Zosimus, Trebellienus Pollio and Syncellus. 
The discrepancy between the accounts of Zosimus, who expressly 
states that the barbarians were kept from the city by the flood 
of the Rhyndacus, and that of Trebellienus, who mentions 
Cyzicus alone of the cities of Asia that suffered in one of the 
many incursions, can hardly be left unexplained, and the most 
natural explanation is that there were two separate attempts on 
the city of which the second only was successful. Trebellienus 
gives us under the reign of Gallienus (c. 4) a short notice of the 
campaign which culminated in the burning of Nicomedia. 
Zosimus' more circumstantial account mentions the frustrated 
attempt on Cyzicus, dating it evidently before the capture of 
Valerian (260), for it is Valerian who sends troops to the rescue 
of Bithynia while himself at Antioch on his way to the 
Persian war. 

Later invasions of Asia are mentioned in Trebellienus' 
chapters 6, 7, 11 ; and in chapter 13, after Gallienus has sent 
help to Byzantium to repair the damage inflicted by the Goths 
on the Danube provinces, comes the definite statement that the 
barbarians "wasted Cyzicus" (vastaverunt Cyzicum): this is 
preferably considered as referring to the island or peninsula of 
Cyzicus, for the Scythians were normally repulsed before walled 
towns where resistance was offered : the access of prestige given 

seize a 6eet lying in the port of Cyzicus *'when Pseudantoninus wintered in 
Nicomedia" is best relegated to a footnote. Pseudantoninus was a name given by 
Elagabalus in derision to Diadumenian ( Vit, Eiagab. 8), but we have no record of the 
latter wintering in Nicomedia, though Elagabalus did so on his way .to Rome 
(Herod, v. 5): his doubtful birth makes the name quite as appropriate to him 
as to his rival. 


them by the purely lucky capture of Trapezus probably accounts 
for the abandonment of Chalcedon and Nicomedia, nor is the 
storming of the other Bithynian cities mentioned: a hundred 
years later, too, Cyzicus had an enceinte considered impr^- 
nableM Ammianus Marcellinus, in his short summary of the 
Gothic wars of Gallienus* reign', only notices a siege of Cyzicus 
(circumsedit multitudo) and Thessalonica, which latter, we know, 
was not taken. The death of Gallienus (268) which took place 
a little later, indeed after defeating these same Scythians in 
Illyria, gives some clue to the date. 

A third descent on Cyzicus occurred during the reign of 
Claudius Gothicus. A mixed horde of Scythians and Herules 
passed the Bosporus, and, their ships becoming unmanageable 
in the mouth of the Hellespont, such as escaped disaster turned 
on Cyzicus, where, however, they were repulsed'. Syncellus 
apparently includes a version of this affair among the Scythic 
campaigns of Gallienus, as he mentions a descent of Scythians 
and Herules on the iropO^uov 1^9 Kv^iscov\ 

' Amm. Marc xxxvi. 8« 

' XXXI. 5, 16, *ctrcttmsedU muhitiido.* ' Zot. 1. 43. * 717 B. 



The reorganisation of the province of Asia under Diocletian, 
about 297 A.D.^ made Cyzicus the capital of the 

Constantine. . 

province of Hellespontus (which included roughly 
Troas and Lesser Phrygia), the seat of a consular governor*, and 
the head-quarters of a legion' : the division remained, after the 
introduction of the themes, as the ecclesiastical province of 
Hellespont under the archbishop of Cyzicus. 

Constantine's choice of Byzantium as the new capital of the 
East was necessarily a great blow to Cyzicene prosperity, mean- 
ing as it did the diversion not only of the entire Black Sea 
trade, but also that of the Mediterranean, to her ancient rival, 
and reducing her to the position of a mere purveyor, by the land 
routes reorganised in this reign, to the needs of the new capitals 
Protection from the north was indeed secured, but the danger 
was soon to come from the other quarter. Henceforward we 
shall find the history of Cyzicus but a feeble echo of that of 
events in the capital. 

A bare hundred years after the invasion of the Goths the 
Procopius, city was again involved in a civil war*. The pre- 
3^ ^•^- tender Procopius, who had already been proclaimed 

at Constantinople, occupied Bithynia in defiance of Valens, and 
sent a force under Marcellus against the metropolis of the 
Hellespontine province ; the latter was held by Serenianus with 
a body of imperial cavalry and some irregular troops. We have 

1 Wadd. Fasies^ Preface n. 661. ' Hierocles. 

* Leg;io II. Trajana is mentioned under Lidnius in the Life of S. Theogenes 
Ada SS, Jan. 3. 

* Cf. Schlnmbeiiger SigiiL By%n p. 197 (temp. Heraclii) 'Ic^dyrov i^i-drov ccU 
7evuroC KOfifupKiaplov dwodiiKifi *BXXi|0'ir6rrov koL Kif^Uw* 

* Arom. Marc, xxxvi. 8, Zot. iv. 6 = 180 B. (565 A.D.). 


seen from Syncellus* account of the Gothic raids that the city 
could still be severed from the mainland: the enceinte was 
considered impregnable, but Marcellus chose the harbour mouth 
as his point of attack. The walls were probably (as at Con- 
stantinople) continued as moles so as to enclose the port, leaving 
only the necessary entrance, which was blocked by a chain. An 
officer of Marcellus' force, advancing under cover of a testudo 
formed upon three ships lashed together, severed the chain with 
an axe : the harbour once forced, the town was at the invaders' 
mercy. Procopius appeared in person and granted an amnesty 
to the defenders, with the exception of Serenianus, who was 
sent to Nicaea^ With the strongly fortified town he obtained 
possession of the military treasury. The revolt was put down 
by Valens in 366. 

In the seventeenth year of Justinian* an earthquake destroyed 
half the city*, and to this, probably, Justinian owed the marbles 
he carried away for the building of S. Sophia^ : the example had 
been set by Constantine, who removed the Dindymene image* to 
the forum at ConstantinopIe,and was followed by other rulers, both 
Greek and Turkish. This earthquake may also have been the 
b^inning of the migration to Artace of which we shall speak later. 

From Heraclius (610 — 641) dates the reoi^anisation of Asia 
on the military basis of Themes*, and under him the mint of 
Cyzicus as of most provincial Byzantine mints is abandoned 
The Obsequian theme^ to which Cyzicus belonged, had Nicaea 
for its capital and included, besides the whole of the Hellespont 
tine province, parts of Bithynia, Galatia and Phrygia : Cyzicus 
is eighth on the list of its cities as enumerated by Por* 

' Zodmus My« be eicapcd bat wai taken and killed in Lydia, iv. 6. 

* A ledition at Cjttcuft in thti reign, resulting in tbe nrarder oC tbe archbishop 
(Joh. Malal. 480 B, Procop. BM* Piers. 135 — 6 B, ffist. Arc* 105 ■), seems from oar 
scanty accoonts to have been merely the conttnoation of a Constantinople partf 
qoarrel by John the Cappadodan, who was relegated after the Nika riots to a 
monastery of the Kapa Dagh : the latter, Kke Marmara, was a not nnosaal place of 
banishment (cf. Theoph. 987 i). 

' Cedren. 656 s. Zon. xi v. 6. « Codinos dt Siruei, S. StfAwt 65. 

* Possibly also the bronse sundial mentioned as of Cyxiccne origin by Codinos 
de A^d. C. P. 75 B. 

* Const. Porph. de T%«m. p. 35 a. 

' %4ltm, roG 'Of m(mi. The Islands counted with the Aegean theme. 

H. 13 


Many causes were contributing to her gradual decay; the 
lack of municipal activity characteristic of provincial towns in 
the Byzantine period, led to neglect of the channel through the 
isthmus on which her commercial prosperity depended ; though 
the Byzantine aqueduct across the old harbour shews that 
the site was not abandoned at once, the activity of the port 
must have shifted to Artace, where there is a good natural 
anchorage, quite sufficient, probably, for the reduced shipping. 
We do not know when this occurred. There is no mention of 
a town suffering in io63\ when serious damage was done to the 
temple of Hadrian by an earthquake, and the site was probably 
abandoned by this time: the Byzantines use both Cyeicus and 
Artace ambiguously of the island and the town, and so late as 
the early fourteenth century, when we know from other sources 
that the old city lay in ruins, Pachymeres refers consistently to 
" Cyzicus " when his contemporaries speak of Artaki, and even 
of the Cape of Artace for the Kapu Dagh. 

The place, whether Cyzicus or Artace, lay open to any invaders 
of Constantinople, and felt the first invasion by the Saracens 
severely. The latter, repulsed with their fleet from the sea walls 
of the capital, retired to Cyzicus for the winter of 668 and seven 
succeeding years^ Under Justinian II a Cypriote colony took 
refuge here from the ravages of the same Saracens', who are 
later frequently found ravaging the coasts of the Propontis with 
impunity^ Nicephorus Bryennius in 1078, like the Saracens, 
used the port as a naval basis for his attempt on the capital, and 
extorted revenues from the inhabitants of the peninsula'. There 
is no mention of an action or of a town, and the inhabitants are 
referred to significantly as iyj((optot not iroXirai, 

^ Zonarasxvni. 9. Joh. Scyl. 816 B. Mich. Attal. 90 B. In the Oracuta of 
Opsopoeus, ed. 1607, in. pp. 351, 353, the fall of Cyzicus is attributed to the sea and 
the Rhyndacus ; in iv. 393, to earthquakes. 

* Cedren. i, 765 b. Zon. in. 333 b. Cons. Vorph, de Adm, Imp. 48. Niceph. 
Chon. 33 b. Ephr. X045. Of the Arab historians Al Tabari refers to the ''capture 
(in 674 A.D.) by Gunada, the son of Abu Umaya, of an island in the sea near 
Kustantiniyya called Arwad, and Mahomet, son of 'Umar, records that the Moslems 
remained in it for a space, as he says, of seven years." They reached Constantinople 
in this year and wintered in the land of the Romans (J,ff,S, xviii. 187). 

' Cons. Porph. loc. ciL 47. ^ Theoph. Cont. iv. 33, v. 60. 

* Zon. III. 717 b. Mich. Attal. 358 B. 



We stand now upon the threshold of the troubled period 
marked by the first sporadic Turkish invasions of the Helles- 
pontine province. The brunt of their attack fell naturally upon 
the outlying forts of ApoUonia, Lopadium and Poemanenum, 
rather than on Cyzicus, which, lying far from the frontiers, has 
for the Turkish wars no strategic importance till the last act of 
the drama, when, as we shall see, it formed one of the last 
rallying places of the Byzantines in Asia. 

The reign of Alexius Comnenus is remarkable for a series of 
Ai«jdM Turkish raids on Bithynia and the Hellespontine 

comntfius. province, still more for the energetic reprisals taken 
by the Byzantines ; the troops Alexius used for his coup ditat 
were placed under his command by Botaniates for the purpose 
of avenging the Turkish capture and sack of Cyzicus^ but we 
hear nothing of a recapture, and may conclude from the nature 
of the subsequent wars that this was a foray rather than an 
attempt at conquest, and that the invaders dispersed with their 
booty after the sack. 

In 10S5 Cyzicus, Apollonia and Poemanenum were taken 
and held by the Turkish chieftain Elkhan*. The fleet despatched 
by Alexius up the river to Apollonia after capturing the outer 
town, was forced to retire at the news of approaching Turkish 
reinforcements : the Turks occupied the Lopadium bridge at the 
outlet of the lake and the fleet was annihilated An army under 
Upus met with better success, taking Cyzicus by assault : from 
here a small body of picked troops retook Poemanenum, whereat 
Apollonia surrendered. 

> Anna 11. 3—4 rV r^^«^ ^ Kv^m 3 ArUki? * Anna vi. 13. 

13— a 


In 1113^ a combined raid of the Emirs devastated Bithynia, 
and ApoUonia fell again into the hands of the Turks. The 
governor of Cyzicus fled in panic, and the invaders, perhaps 
concerting with a fleet*, captured it " from the side of the sea/' 
the isthmus wall being probably by this time the only defence 
of the peninsula. The land force then dispersed, one portion 
taking the coast road by Parium to Adramyttium and Chliara, 
the other making southwards through the Lentiana to Poe- 
manenum. Camytzes was despatched against them from Nicaea 
with strict orders not to fight. The Turks, thinking that Alexius 
was himself on their heels, dispersed to the hills, leaving a great 
part of their booty in the hands of Camytzes at a place called 
Aorata. The latter, elated by his success, lingered at Aorata 
instead of making his way to Poemanenum, where he could have 
maintained himself pending the arrival of reinforcements. The 
Turks rallied, defeated his army, and took him prisoner, after 
which they continued their homeward march. Alexius marched 
round the eastern spurs of Olympus in order to intercept the 
retreating Turks further south, and confronting them at Acrocus 
defeated them with great loss, but was himself severely handled 
by the second army which had now completed its circuit of the 

A third invasion took place in 1117^ Alexius, hearing that 
the Turks were in the plain of Manyas*, encamped just short of 
the Lopadium bridge at the ''Spicer's Fountain," intending to 

^ Anna xiv. 5, 

* Cf. vn. 

* This campaign, rendered exceedingly difficult by the lack of topographical 
knowledge, has been explained by Ramsay {Geei^. 108) and Munro (p. 170 sqq.). 
The former assumes that the Turks were making for Dorylaenm and consequently 
places the scene of the campaign east of the Maoestus. The latter who has since, I 
believe, altered hb views on Poemanenum, placed Aorata near Kebsud. Anna*8 
mention of Philadelphia and Acrocus together (xiv. 6) seems to imply that the great 
road due south (so Roger de Flor marches by Achyraous to Philadelphia, Pachy. 
S43 b) is concerned, and the mention of tA^ reed bed in the account of the battle 
may associate it with the later Calamus (the Kalamor of the Crusaders, modem 
Gelembe). The Turks are said to come from Carm^, which Ramsay identifies 
with Germe (near Soma?). 

* Anna XV. 1. 

' r^ card roi)? Tpivodat rw Atrrwp&if Ktd rift o0rw gaXw/Ut^t KoroipaucUu hoKti' 


attack next day. The Turks lighted numerous watch-fires, so 
as to give a false idea both of their numbers and position, and 
made off towards Poemanenum in the darkness, perhaps intend- 
ing to disperse into the hill country of the Kyrmaz Dagh or to 
retreat south by the Pergamon road ; Alexius, unable to catch 
them, encamped near Poemanenum with his main body and sent 
out a small light-armed force which defeated the Turks at Cellia. 
The succeeding emperors consolidated the work of Alexius by 
the building of Lopadium and Achyraous. A satisfactory com- 
prehension of such guerrilla campaigns is only to be obtained 
from a first-hand writer as is shewn by the discrepancies between 
the professional historians and the writers on the spot in the 
succeeding wars of the Crusaders. 

The capture of Constantinople by the Latins and the 
_. . ^ division of the Byzantine empire among the various 

feudal lords was followed by an attempt to extend 
the Prankish rule into Asia. By the Partitio Romaniae^ the 
emperor received the greater part of north-west Asia Minor, 
including Nicomedia, Achyraous, Neocastron, Adramyttium, 
Chliara and Pergamum; Bithynia, where Theodore Lascaris 
occupied the throne of Nicaea, and the Hellespontine region 
suffered severely* in the struggle for mastery. 

In our district lands were allotted to Pierre de Braiecuel, 
Payen d'Orleans, Anseau de Cayeux, and Eustace, brother 
of the emperor. The first named seems to have obtained 
the lordship of the Kapu Dagh*, of which under the name 
of "terre d'^quise^" Villehardouin makes frequent mention: 
he describes it as '* une terre que la mer clooit tote, sors que une 
part, et a I'entrde par oil on entroit avoit eu anciennement 
fortresce de murs, de tors, de fosses." 

The first expedition crossed to Pegae, already a colony of 
Italian traders, in November 1204, and marched east. Panormus 

* Mnntori xil. 538 ff. s Tafel and Thomas cxxt. (1. p. 453). 

* See VUlchardouin's detailed account of the 6nt campaigns and Nicctas* summary 
of the whole (388 b). 

* VUlehankwin 936. 

^ Cf. Alhericos Trinm Fonttum Mcctv. ** Insnla nltm Bnchium qnae vocatur 
Cysicttm id est Eskisia," and Leqnien*s bishops XV. and XLll. ** QuUicinensiam, 


was chosen as the headquarters of the Franks, whence they 
sallied out and ravaged the surrounding country. 

Theodore met them on S. Nicholas' day in the plain below 
Poemanenum^ with a much superior force and was defeated with 
great loss*. Within a week the Crusaders were in possession of 
Poemanenum (Le Pumenienor) "a very strong castle," Lopadium 
(Le Lupaire) ''one of the best cities of the land," and Apollonia 
(Le Pulinach) "situated on a lake of fresh water, one of the 
strongest and best castles one could seek." 

They thus held the keys of the Province from the side of 
Nicaea. Henry of Flanders had meanwhile secured the Troad. 
The Franks were then recalled by troubles on the European 
side and forced to abandon all their conquests but P^ae. 

Two years later* however they again ravaged the country in 
revenge for Theodore's alleged neglect of terms. This time the 
site of Cyzicus was chosen as the headquarters of the army. De 
Braiecuel began to repair the dilapidated walls and to build two 
castles at the entrances, and the guerrilla warfare was renewed 
till Theodore contrived, by intriguing with the Wallachs, to 
secure the recall of the Franks for home defence (1207). ^^ 
seized the opportunity to attack the isthmus wall and blockade 
Cius by sea and land. Henry of Flanders came gallantly to 
the rescue and the relief of Cius was probably the signal for the 
withdrawal of the Greek troops from Cyzicus also. No sooner, 
however, had Henry turned thus back than a new attack was 
made on Cyzicus by sea and land, while the inhabitants of the 
peninsula and of Marmara revolted against their feudal lords. 
Henry once more fitted out an expedition and drove the Byzan- 
tine fleet down the Hellespont : the army retired and Cyzicus 
was relieved, but the same year the Greeks insisted on the 
dismantling of the fortifications in return for a two years' truce. 

Peace did not last long. Bickering hcgSLti as early as I2o8^ 
and in 121 1 Henry crossed in person to Pegae and was 
challenged before its walls by the Greek army ere his whole 

^ Villehardooin, par. 170. 

* Nicetas (795—6 B) represents the battle as an incident in a conttnuoos march 
from Pegae and Lopadium. CtJ,G.S, 1897, 158. 
' Villehardooin 136 (1106). 
^ Ep. Innoe. Ill, xi. 47. 


force was disembarked M in spite of his opportunity Theodore 
was defeated The Franks then reverted to their old tactics, 
making cavalry raids as far as Lopadium, and probably taking 
Lentiana on their way^ Theodore kept to the hills and con- 
tented himself with cutting oflf supplies till the inhabitants 
demanded his active interference. He drew Henry into battle 
as he lay encamped near Lopadium', but the Franks defeated 
him without the loss of a man. The moral effect of this action 
was so great that Theodore's troops dared not meet the Franks 
again, and having retaken most of his old possessions, Henry 
retired into winter quarters at Pergamon. By the terms of the 
ensuing peace\ Henry's frontier was marked eastwards by 
Lopadium and southward by Mount Cyminas: the village of 
Calamus (Gelembe) was neutral, while Pergamus and Chliara 
were restored to Theodore. 

The Latin supremacy was short-lived. In 1220 John 
Vatatzes retook Poemahenum, Cyzicus, and almost all the 
Asiatic conquests*. P^ae alone remained, and this last remnant 
was surrendered in 1225*. Except for the unsuccessful cam- 
paign of John de Brienne in I233^ who took only the fort 
called Ceramidas, besides Pegae, and effected nothing permanent, 
the Crusaders interfered no more in the history of the Helles- 
pont, and the Turks come again into prominence. 

* Letter of Henry in Rtntni xviil. 530, dated M19 from Pergpunum. De Muralt 
givct 1414. 

* Acrop. XVI. * ''jttxta LofMrci flavian.*' ^ Acrop. XV. (1S14). 

* Alberie A.D. 1390. Acrop. xxit. 

* Acrop. xxni. ' Acrop. xxx. 



The restored emperors of Constantinople, by fomenting the 
quarrels of the west, succeeded in recovering from the Franks 
sonie part of their ancient dominions in Europe. Asia mean- 
while was left to the Turks, and the rise of the Osmanlis was 
marked by their permanent establishment at Brusa at the 
opening of the fourteenth century. About the same time the 
Seljuks of Karassi overran western Asia Minor with fleet and 
army right up to the shores of the Propontis. In 1303, when 
the Grand Company under Roger de Flor appeared at the 
court of Andronicus, the inhabitants of the raided Hellespontine 
province had fled with their possessions within the wall of the 
isthmus of Cyzicus,. now newly fortified by the energy of 

the metropolitan Niphon. The emperor, fearing 
that the accumulation of treasure within the isthmus 
wall would tempt the cupidity of the Turks, resolved to get rid 
of his dangerous guests by despatching them to winter quarters 
at the threatened spot, whence they were to begin the campaign 
in the following spring. 

The two accounts of the occupation of the peninsula by the 
Catalans difler considerably. Pachymeres^ is biassed by a 
natural jealousy of the foreign troops, shewn also by the 
emperor Michael, who was imprudent enough to refuse Roger 
audience in Pegae, and fined the inhabitants for admitting him^ 
and by the Greek troops in general, who constantly refused to 
concert with the Catalans. The Greek author, therefore, repre- 
sents the Franks as monsters of iniquity : they spent the whole 

* V. 17. ■ Pkcfay. V. 17 (405—415 b). 


winter carousing, and left the fighting to the small Greek con- 
tingent under Mamies, to whom he assigns the whole credit of 
the one engagement near the '' Tower of William " : not only 
this, but the Catalans, after taking no part in the action, insisted 
on sharing the booty of their Greek comrades. 

Muntaner, the other authority, writes first-hand, and from 
the standpoint of a Catalan : he considered that Michael had 
abandoned the defence of Cyzicus from sheer cowardice*, and 
was consequently madly jealous of the Catalans ; for the latter 
within a week from the time they left Constantinople defeated 
the Turks, who had been making spasmodic attacks on the 
isthmus wall, with a loss of 5,000. A hard-fought battle took 
place at a spot two leagues out between two rivers, where the 
Turks were encamped. The engagement must surely be iden- 
tical with that described by Pachymeres, since each author 
relates but one notable battle during this winter. 

It is worthy of remark that Muntaner always refers to Artaki 
and the Cape of Artaki, rather than to Cyzicus, of which his 
only hint is contained in the description of Artaki as a part of 
the city of Troy*. Pachymeres, on the other hand, speaks 
throughout of Cyzicus. Muntaner's description of the situation 
is very similar to Villehardouin's : ** All this cape is defended by 
a wall built across the cape on the side of the continent of Asia, 
where it is not more than- half a mile across from one sea 
to the other." 

Pachymeres' accounts of the excesses of the soldiery in 
Cyzicus is perhaps overdrawn, but must have had a considerable 
basis in fact. A quartering of mercenaries on citizens such as 
Muntaner describes was sure to provoke friction, and the 
generosity of Roger, so much lauded by his follower, in excusing 
his soldiery all payments for provisions is less admirable if, as 
we cannot doubt, the expense came ultimately out of the 
citizens' pockets. 

Mutual jealousies between the leaders of the Alan and 
Catalan contingents led to disturbances which culminated in 

' Ch. «o3. Cf. Pachy. v. 10, 391 B. 

* f 914. This it the esrli«tt mention oC the timdition diseased below. Moncada 
(X.) t|>eaks of Aitaki u '* not fitf from Out rains of Cystcot.** 


the murder of the son of the Alan, and it was late spring^ when 
Roger at last set out up the Macestus valley road» by Achyraous to 
the liberation of Asia ; though his subsequent successes, notably 
at Philadelphia, were conspicuous, the loyalty of the Grand 
Company was naturally bounded by the extent of the emperor's 
treasury. When pay failed the usual defects of the mercenary 
system became obvious, and Roger's troops became the terror of 
Asia and Greece in turn. Amongst other raids they descended 
on Proconnesus and Artaki, but the inhabitants, no doubt 
cherishing bitter memories of their former sojourn, offered an 
obstinate resistance and beat them off*. 

From the incident of the. Catalans onwards the greater part 
Turuah of the history of the Hellespont is naturally derived 

Period. rather from Turkish than from Greek sources, and, 

owing to the interval between the events described and the 
literary period of the Turks, the accounts are somewhat incon- 
sistent. Comparatively few, moreover, of the Turkish historians 
are accessible to any but an Orientalist 

At the opening of the fourteenth century the Hellespont was, 
as we have seen, practically in the hands of the Seljuks from the 
south, who overran the country to the very coast, while their 
frequent naval expeditions rendered both shores of the Propontis 
insecure. So early as 1288 the Seljuk Alaeddin HI. had defeated 
the Tartars in the plain of Pegae'. The rising power of the 
Osmanlis, with its capital at Brusa, adjoined the territory of 
Karassi on the east. In 1307 Osman fixed his boundary at 
Ulubad in consideration of service done him by the governor of 
the latter^ : an agreement then made forbade the crossing of the 
bridge by Osman's troops, though the condition did not prevent 
their crossing " in times of need " by boat. Besbicus was taken 
by Kara Ali' in 1308, and there seems to have been a temporary 
occupation of Pegae, one of the last possessions of the Greeks, 
between 1304 (when Michael was there) and 1328: it may have 
been retaken by the Catalans'. 

^ April I (Muntaner 105). Cf. Pacfay. 419 B. 

* Muntaner 115. Pachy. 519 B, 1307. Artaki is here called the port of (the 
island?) C3rzicus. 

* Von Hammer i. 71. ^ Von Hammer i. 8a Bratutti 15. 
' Von Hammer i. 8a * Von Hammer i. 150 — 151. 


In 1328 the Greek towns still remaining in the district were 
again harassed by the Karassians, and when the emperor made a 
pilgrimage to the Virgin of Artaki, he took the opportunity of 
interviewing the emir of Karassi at Pegae' ; the latter received 
him with all courtesy and promised to desist A year later the 
Osmanlis under Orkhan renewed their career of conquest 
Nicaea was besieged and Andronicus defeated at Pelekanon : the 
battle was followed by the reduction of Nicaea and the sub- 
sequent fall of Nicomedia and Cius. 

Orkhan next proceeded to the conquest of Karassi' which 
seems to have been effected as much by intrigue as by force of 
arms. Durmis Bey, son of the prince of Karassi, had been 
brought up at the Osmanii court, and at his father's death took 
advantage of his brother's unpopularity to offer Orkhan the 
towns of Aidinjik, Manyas, Balukiser', Bergama, and Edremid 
if he might retain his own hereditary fiefs in the Troad. 

Orkhan marched through' Ulubad, receiving the submission of 
its governor, as of the Greek governors of Kermasti and Mihal- 
litch^ and besieged the elder brother of Durmis in Bergama. 
An attempt at a peaceable settlement was followed by the 
murder of Durmis, and his brother, the author of the crime, 
was promptly surrendered by the citizens of Bergama*. 

The conquered province was given by Orkhan to his son 
Suleiman Pasha, who had hitherto ruled in Nicomedia and now 
chose Bigha as his capital*. Orkhan now ruled both sides of the 
Macestus, and Ulubad perhaps seemed to him more dangerous 
than useful. The governor of the town was executed on 
suspicion of treachery, the walls were breached, and Orkhan built 
a caravanserai on the site of the city^ 

The year 1356 marks the first permanent settlement of the 
Turks in Europe — another step to the fall of Constantinople — 

* Canuc I. 339 B. 

* Diicaa 13 B. Von Hammer i. iia Brahitti 1. 51, 59. Cantemir, p. 96. 
LeoacUviiit, AmnmUs 93. 

* Hadji Khalfia gives 737 as the dale of the surrender of Balakiser. 

^ So Seaddin. Cantemir speaks of Uhibad also as a Greek tributary town* 

* Cantemir. * Von Hammer 1. 135. 

' LenoclaYins xxiii. makes the treachery of the governor the cause of the sob- 
jecti<m of Karassi. 


and with the romantic enterprise of Suleiman pasha, resulting in 
the capture of Tsympe, near Gallipoli, are associated the ruins 
of Cyzicus^ The dream of the conquest of Europe came to him 
by chance, say the Turkish legends, when, reviewing his newly 
acquired territory, he came for the first time to " those strange 
mines and marvellous buildings of Solomons Pallace now known 
by the name of the Fair Prospect, being the place (as they say) 
to which the throne of Belkis was transported. From the time 
of the most Excellent Solomon till now the marble stones and 
mighty pillars of the high fabrick have been transported thence 
to the edifices of Great Princes and Potentates : and to this very 
day the Ottoman Kings (whose offspring let God establish on 
the throne of peace) do bring from thence such wonderfull 
Stones for their Magnificent Churches and lofty Pallaces that 
the description of them would be a large subject*." 

^ Von Hammer i. 151. Bratutti i. do. Lenhclavius, Pond. par. 33. Cf. 
Hadji Khalfa i. 497. 

' Seaman, 7^ Reign of Stdtan Orchan, Another version in the historian 
Jemftli, but omitted as irrelevant by Leundavius in his translation, ascribed the 
Palace to the agency of Djiniu working on behalf of Shemseh, daughter of Ankar, 
king of Ferengistan, and wife of Solomon. (B, Af* Catal, Turkish MSS^ p. 47, note 
on Add. 5969.) The name of Aidinjik, *' little moonlight" (Von Hammer i. 154), 
is connected by the Turks, with the moonlight night of Sluleiman's adventure, and the 
*' palace of Solomon" or "Tamashalik" (probably the ruined amphitheatre), with 
the place of his dream. The throne of Balkiz may have been the imposing ruins of 
the Hadrian Temple, of which thirty-one columns were standing when Cyriac visited 
the site in 143 1 (B,C.H, xiv. 540). The devastations of the ''potentates since 
Solomon," who is of course a synonym fdr extreme antiquity, are exemplified by 
Justinian's removal of materials for St Sophia (cf. Evliya efiendi i. 55), whQe 
the columns of the Suleimanyeh at Constantinople (Goold, Cat. Mus, Imp, p. 1 note), 
and much of the building materials of Brusa (Cyriac) were brought from Cyzicus 
by the Osmanlis. 

As the Turks ascribed the ruins to Solomon, so the later Greeks, with equal 
ignorance, associated them with Troy. Gerlach (p. 955) says that in his time the 
Greeks called Cyzicus "Little Troy"; as Alexandria Troas, and Parium (Ansbert, 
"ad laevam nostram Trojam relinquentes," cf. Muntaner 114) also claimed the name, 
fabulous ideas as to the extent of the city were common : the Sieur des Hayes (p. 139 
and map p. 338) mentions a wall which cut off the comer of Asia including the three 
cities. Duchastel (who recognised the absurdity of the idea) has handed down the 
name "Palace of Piiam" as in his day applied to the ruins of the Temple of Hadrian. 
Fynes Moryson says, "On the way (from Gallipoli to Marmora) they shewed me 
a castle towards the £. upon the shore of Asia, which they say stands on the 
confines of the Trojan dominion and thereof hath the name till thu day." The 
same idea underlies Meletius' note on Karabogha (II6rrot iv. 4). 


Seven years after Suleiman's crossing, Pegae was 
by Murad I on his way to Europe ; isolated on land, and cut 
off from the capital by the ships from Aidinjik and Gallipoli, 
it fell an easy prey and with it ended the Greek dominion in 

> Von Hammer i. 150—151. 





In considering the religion of the Cyzicene district we shall 
Religion ^^ Compelled to make a distinction between Hellenic 

(general). g^nd native cults, though we can draw no hard and 

fast line. Speaking broadly, the Hellenic cults, of which that of 
Kore is the most conspicuous example, were perpetuated in the 
city, where the Milesian element was strongest, and where there 
was constant communication with the Hellenic world ; while in 
the country round about survived the immemorial gods of the 
native rural population. 

In Cyzicus certain local deities — especially Cybele and the 
hero eponymous — received official recognition, it being understood 
that they had on the spot a prescriptive right to worship even 
from aliens. It is this admixture of local cult which gave an 
individual character to the religion of every town in Hellenism. 
On the other hand, though the worship of Kore, Athena, Poseidon 
and others never penetrated to the villages and remained a badge 
of Hellenism, the Hellenic Zeus, Artemis, and Apollo were 
everywhere identified in name and art-type with the generally 
nameless village gods. 

From the analogy of similar communities and the general 
conditions of life we may well suppose that the local gods of a 
village were few in number but possessed of wide functions : 
belonged to the Chthonians, rather than the Olympians : con- 
cerned themselves with the health of man and beast, the fertility 
of the soil, and the control of the elements : revealed their will 


by oracles given in dreams': and possessed a certain primitive 
moral aspect as avengers of blood and of perjury. Very intimate 
with their worshippers, they accepted sacrifices from their flocks 
and herds and delighted in their rustic dances and crude, or even 
gross, religious plays : these concerned themselves for the most 
part with the mysteries of generation, birth, and death considered 
with regard to men. beasts and crops. 

Characteristic of the village cults are the numerous religious 
societies or thiasi', not only or even generally, as we shall see, 
connected with the worship of Dionysus: they are commonly 
organized under a leader who probably gave his pupils' instruction 
in ritual, and duly initiated them into the mysteries : the 
religious banquet, which connects the worship of the gods with 
that of the dead, is evidently an important feature of these 
societies, and the records of them may well be collected here : 
the type occurring on reliefs resembles a reduplicated " funeral 
banquet*" ; it occurs 

(i) On the ** Nicaean " stele (ill. 38 A) in connection with 
(Zeus) Cybele and Apollo. 

(2) On a dedication to Artemis and Apollo (IV. 57). 

(3) On a dedication to Zeus Hypsistos, with relief of 

Zeus, Apollo, and Artemis (I v. 13). 

(4) On a stele where the god's name is absent (iv. 89). 

(5) Members' subscriptions in money and kind are com- 

memorated on a Sari Keui stele of Zeus (IV. 30). 
Musicians are also represented on (i) and (3). 

All these features we have enumerated are characteristic of 
normal, low*culture, village religion on both sides of the Aegean ; 
we associate it with Thrace and Asia rather than with Greece 
proper, simply because the village conditions are more in evidence 
there, and the gods of Homeric literature had not encroached 
with the refinements of city life. 

The crude and orgiastic side of the Eleusinians or Dionysus 
is undoubtedly reinforced from Thrace and Asia, but the cult 

' ThU was a function even of Cybele, I v. 3. 

* Generally liarccrai: #«i^Mft4«T«4 in Insci. V. 178, ...i^m in IV. 8S. 

* Ct Pcrdriiet in BXM. xxxiii. 59). 
^ Mnsiciana are added on Not. 1 and 5. 


had originally that character before it was affected by the less 
primitive ideas of townsfolk. 

The villagers around Cyzicus, almost entirely Hellenic in 
their nomenclature, preserved the same forms of religion at least 
till the coming of Christianity. Philetaerus, late in the third 
century, saw them go up to dance before their daemons, re- 
marked their regard for sacred trees, and vanquished for the 
moment their miraculous pictures and images: but to this day the 
dervish and the d6d6 remain to Islam, and the sacred well, often 
with the attendant treeS and the wonder-working eikon to 

Of the early Church in the Cyzicus district we have scant 
record. Inscriptions — the oldest are the two illiterate gravestones 
with the ambiguous formula loraf avrA ir/>09 rov Oeov^ — give us 
no information, and the Ottoman conquest has destroyed the 
churches and with them their traditions, save in the mountainous 
coast-districts of the Kapu Dagh and the Kara Dagh and in the 
islands. Even there records are non-existent and the inhabi- 
tants retain little but a vague idea of the destruction " by the 
Pope" of once important foundations. 

The life of S. Philetaerus^ attributes the origin of the Christian 
community of Poketos to S. Paul on his journey from Galatia 
to Assos' and represents the new religion as existing both there 
and at Cyzicus before Constantine. Miletupolis and ApoUonia 
were also reputed early bishoprics. Julian notices* a persecution 
of " so-called heretics " at Cyzicus, perhaps the Novatians whose 
church he ordered to be erected by the bishop^ 

Wonder-working relics of S. Philetaerus and of Theogenes 

^ A beneficent " devil," inhabiting a tree in a graveyard at Balakiser, still cures 
boils, when appeased by the oflfering of an onion. Hobhouse (904) quotes a similar 
instance from the Dardanelles. 

^ For the whole question of Phrygian and Anatolian religion it is sufficient to refer 
to Professor Ramsay's chapter (ill.) on HUrapolis, In Phrygia the late survival of 
native customs has permitted the existence of written monuments setting forth in 
plain terms what we can only infer from Phrygian analogies in the case of outwardly 
Hellenised Mysia. 

* Ramsay, Phrygia^ ij. pp. 496 fif. attributes the formula to the 3rd century. 
« Acta S, May 19. * Acts xvi.-8. See Ramsay, Si Paui^ 197. 

• E^t. 51. ' Socrates III. 11. 


and the seven martyrs of April 29' were preserved at Cyzicus, 
and the well that sprang from the blood of S. Tryphaena* — a 
curious parody of the Cleite legend — had miraculous eflfects. 
Other local martyrs were Fausta and Evilasius, martyred under 
Decius' and Myron ^ while of the bishops, Germanus', Aemili- 
anus*, and Proclus^were canonised. The favourite dedications 
of churches in the district are the Virgin (especially Kotfiffci^ 
TJ}^ 110^07^09), S. George and S. Michael*. 

The name " Kodja Kilisseh " given to the ruins of Hadrian's 
temple perhaps imply that it was used as a church, which would 
explain its late survival. The memory of Hadrian was treated 
kindly by the Christian churches and his bust was still allowed 
to crown the pediment of the temple in the sixth century*. 

> Theogencs was buried in. the villa of Adamantus near Cyticus ; the place was 
later visited as a healing shrine. The head of John the Baptist was said to have 
been brought from Cystcus to Constantinople by Theodosius {Ckfvm. Pasch. 564). 

* Jan. 31. 

* Sept. 30. ^ Aug. 17. * May 13. * Aug. 8. 

^ Oct. S4. See also Aaseman, Acta Martyrum I, Acta SS. Stratonicoi et SiUmci, 

* Many local saints, including S. Philetaeras, are honoured with panigyrtU in 
the islands. Cf. above, p. $s. 

* Jo. Malal. S79. 

H. 14 



Appian^ tells us that ''the Cyzicenes honoured Kore above 
all the gods." He speaks of course of the Milesian colony, who 
like their fathers in Miletus and Athens held fast the Hellenic 
traditions of Eleusis. Kore has no part in the Argonaut l^end, 
and we hear of no ancient shrine or image ; there is not a 
trace of her outside the city, where the native goddesses are 
replaced rather by Artemis as Hellenism advances. 

An aetiological legend, to account for the presence of Besbi- 
cus*, relates that Kore interfered on behalf of Cyzicus when the 
giants were blocking the Rhyndacus' mouth. Another tradition, 
however, ascribed the island to the agency of Poseidon. 

The island of Cyzicus was reputed her dowry* but this 
honour was claimed by several cities^ while the rape-legend was 
located, not to mention Eleusis and Sicily, in many parts of 
Asia: the only record of this in connection with Cyzicus is 
Propertius' • 

** Raptorisque tulit qua via Ditis equos." 

One is inclined to associate this with a later version of the Har- 
pagia myth. All known sources, however, connect the locality 
with the Ganymede legend. 

In the later cycle of myth, which gathered round the siege of 
Mithradates, Kore is characteristically prominent: a black heifer 
is said to have swum from the mainland through the opposing 
fleet to be sacrificed at her festival' and the goddess appeared 
in person to Aristagoras and encouraged the citizens with 

1 BelL Mith. LXXV. ' Steph. Byz. s.v. 

* App. Bell, Mith. LXXiv. ^ Marquardt, p. xsi. 

' ni. 13 ; c£. also Priap, 76. * Plat. LmcuU. 10, etc. 


promises of aid : the following day the engines of Mitbradates 
were blown down by a supernatural wind attributed to her 

Fig. i8. Coin or Cyzicus with Head or Kore Soteiba. 

The only title of Kore known at Cyzicus is that of Soteira, 
which is excessively frequent on imperial coins', and may have 
had a special reference to the divine interposition during the 

Her festivals were called 4»«pe^TT«wi*, Koptia*, Zomf/xa', 

'ItpoP KoplJ^ 'IffOTTwtfwv*. 

The symbol of the torch, which is closely connected with the 
Ttw miur of mysteries, appears on numerous autonomous coins 
PHMphao*. Qf Cyzicus, including the pieces struck with the 
types of Alexander and Lysimachus'. On imperial coins the 
torch is encircled by a serpent, and one of the more remarkable 
types, certainly as early as Trajan, shews two of these torches 
flanking a great altar with a door and friete of bucrania, sur- 
mounted by three figures. This alur is also represented on 
several stelae of Cyzicus found at Samothrace*; the Cyzicenes 
were on very intimate terms with the sanctuary of the Cabiri 
during the republican period', perhaps from its association with 
Jason. A sketch of the same altar, seen by Cyriac apparently 
in Samothracc, is published by Rubensohn". At Cyzicus 

' riui. /..«»//. lo. 

' Cf. »1mi Insert. I. gi {it/nii jfit L. K,), and |I.wu"oi K4^i rih Zurtlfiat). 

212 KORE [CH. 

Cyriac copied an inscription of which he gives us the following 
translation : 

" lUustrissimi heroes et optimi Cyzicenorum civitatis cives maximae 
inferiali et coelesti dearum gloriosae nympharum a Jove productarum Perse- 
phonae talem construxenint aram^." 

Reinach considers that the inscription is an invention of 
Cyriac's, based on a misapprehension of the word ^^a>9 and the 
occurrence of the name Koprj in the inscription he copied below*. 
But Cyriac, after describing the inscription as "epigramma ad Pros- 
erpinae templum" (i.e. at the temple of Hadrian', which perhaps 
this epigram made him attribute to Persephone^) conscientiously 
inserts aram in the inscription copied. Now certain imperial 
coins" shew the altar standing beside the temple of Hadrian. 
The phraseology of the inscription, " heroes " especially, points to 
a late date, so the great altar may have been built first in the 
republican period — the Hellenistic age is remarkable for several 
such buildings, e.g. at Pergamon and, nearer home, at Parium* — 
and restored under the Antonines, very likely in connection with 
the imperial cult ; the last line runs easily : n€pa€(f>6vrj fi<o^v 
TotovTOP hrtpKohofiriaav, The third referred perhaps to Faustina's 
descent from the " Olympian Saviour " Hadrian. 

" The great Mysteries of the Saviour Maid'" are evidently, so 
far as the city of Cyzicus was concerned, the 
mysteries, which were given official recognition and 
formed an integral part of the state worship. 

Strabo tells us that at Miletus the ancient royal race of 
Athens retained the title of King, certain kingly honours, and 
the control of the Eleusinian rites'. Now "Basileus" and its 
abbreviations are among the commonest of the titles which occur in 
the Cyzicene Prytany lists. We find also in inscriptions fivarap- 
X^9 (II. 3, II. 7: fivarapxia III. 44), {JLvarriptapxh (ll- 23), i^vyryrff^ 

1 B.CH, XIV. 541. 

* This is refuted, and the inscriptions commented on by Keil in Hermes xxv. 
1890, 505. * Cf. p. 543. 

^ Similarly in his first journey the *'aurei iili signa" made him attribute the 
temple to Jupiter. 

» Of Gallienus. • Str. 588. ' Inscr. 1. 24. 

' 635. Cf. the eponymous Basileis of Samothrace (C./.C7. ^151-8), Chalcedon 
{C.I.G. 3794)1 and Megara {C./.G, 105a). 


{AtJk Mitth. VI. 42, cf. ^(17797^9 r«iy iieyakMv §i.v<mfpimv r^^ 
Xorre^av Kopi^^ I. 2lX d^ffyov^vo^ (IL 4, II. 7), UpofUfff^v (II. 8, 
II. 20, C./.(7. 2158), as well as ^iwrni^ which occurs in nearly 
every list 

It may well be that the koXKmv superintended by the Pry- 
taneis in their second month of office was the precinct of the 
Eleusinian goddesses. In this case the officers would be 
necessarily Basileis. The hero Basileus slain by Telamon* was 
probably a mythological eponym of the clan. The name occurs 
also in the list of archontes mentioned on coins. 

^ Ap. Rhod. I. 1043. 



Unlike the Hellenic Kore, the essentially Phrygian Mother of 
Motherof the ^^ Gods was Worshipped all over the Cyzicus r^ion 
^«*»- under many names, most of which are obviously of 

local signification. Characteristically she is only once called 
Cybele^ in inscriptions: she is usually called by the vague 
" Mother " (of the Gods) and her local adjective. The general 
character of her worship is well known : it was considered bar- 
barous by the Greeks, who were in their best times averse to the 
religious frenzy, self-mutilation and noisy ritual which were 
inseparable from it*. Some idea of the cycle of myth connected 
with her cult may be gleaned from the wild farrago of obscenity 
and fetishism, not without a tincture of poetic idea, handed down 
to us by Pausanias'. It was probably a religion for the natives 
throughout the history of Cyzicus : and the Mother was always 
a foreigner to the Cyzicenes, though a foreigner that must be 
conciliated. She had no part in their later heroic period, nor 
in their imperial cultus. 

The Dindymene mother is the great goddess of the Cyzicene 
peninsula. The epithet is probably local and derived, 
as we have said^ from a double hill on which the first 
temple was placed. 

The establishment of her worship was ascribed to the Ai^o- 

^ Inscr. nx. 38 a. This also may be a local epithet. Cf. Str. 567. 

* Cf. the story of Anacharsis, Hdt. iv. 56, Clem. Alex. Prvir. 90. 

' VII. 17, and Fzazer's notes. Cf. also Aniob. jidv. Geni, v. 5. ff. Sallnstius 
Philosophtts, De Mundo iv.; Julian, Hymn, in Mat. De9r,\ Frazer, Goldtn Botagk ii. 
131 sqq. These traditions all refer to the Pessinuntine ^cult which, lying far inland, 
was doubtless little affected by Hellenism. 

* Above, p. S3. 


nautsS though she is represented as the powerful goddess of the 
region before this: the legend, of whatever date its origin, is 
evidence for the extremely early foundation of the cult 
From it we gather that the original image was of vinewood\ 
that the tympana of Cybele were here first devised*, and that in 
the neighbourhood was a sacred grove. In connection with 
these evidences of tree-worship it is interesting to note the 
frequent occurrence of a tree resembling a fig-tree on the votive 
stelae of the district, especially on iv. 3, where a tree with 
cymbals on it takes the place of the goddess, and the statement 
in the Life of S, PhiUtaerus^ that certain cypresses were intimately 
associated with the pagan worship at Poketos, so late as the 
third century A.D. 

The goddess was worshipped together with two Curetes of 
superior rank. 

...Tcriiyr ^ ofia KvXX7ror rr 
02 fiovMH noKimv fsoifniy^Tai ^6i wipt^poi 

Aa«rvXoc *Idoibi«..* 

Titias is represented* as a local hero and a son of Zeus; he 
is probably a Phrygian ancestor-god and a form of Attis, who 
was regarded later on as a Zeus Hades, and the mate of the 
Great Mother — the only inscription of Dindymene' pairs her 
with Zeus. Of Cyllenus we know nothing more, but the name 
connects him with the Arcadian Cyllene and he probably took 
the form of Hermes Psychopompus or Cadmilus*. 

The feminine element is obviously the most important in the 
trinity of Dindymon, a relic perhaps of a matriarchal system. 

The image attributed to the Argonauts was carried off by 

> Cf. above snd Str. 45, quoting Ncftnthcs : the ArgonauU lacrificcd to her as 
Oti^^rdf, Orfkum 493. 

' In the Acta SS. Straimucat tt StUuci (Auenuui I. 97) the image of Berecyntia 
at C]r<iciit it described at ** CoiUtum lignum,^ 

* Thit mutt be the explanatioo of Propertiut' incredibly cJuoitf line (ill. 3). 3), 
'*I>indyinttt et tacrae fitbricata inventa Cybellae.** 

* May 19, in. I^S. 

* Apoll. Rhod. I. in6. So alto at Miletut, Schol. ad loc. and cf. Cybele*t con- 
nectton with the Diototri (Cabiri ?) in Atk, MUtk, xiv. 99, 50. 

* Schol. loc cit. and 11. 780. ' iv. 1. * Cf. Atk, Mitik. xvi. 191. 


Constantine to adorn his new capital ; he altered its pose to suit 
his taste to that of a woman praying\ from which Amelung* 
conjectures with great probability that the image was a standing 
figure flanked by lions (the "Oriental Artemis" or ir6TvM Offp&v 
type), not the usual throned figure*. 

The worship of Dindymene at Proconnesus may have been 
founded from Cyzicus: if there was not a Dindymon there also, 
the name is widely spread, and Agathocles^ mentions a l^end 
that the stone of Rhea came from Proconnesus ; popular deities, 
e.g. Andeiris below, Placian^ and Adrasteia, were frequently 
introduced in this manner. The image, which was of gold and 
hippopotamus ivory', was stolen by the Cyzicenes on their 
acquisition of the island, so Constantine's plundering comes as 
poetic justice on the Cyzicenes. 

Two interesting inscriptions of the first century RC* com- 
memorate a " Placian Mother of the Gods " perhaps 
introduced into Cyzicus after the absorption of the 
little town of Placia: at any rate we have a clear case of the 
adoption by the metropolis of a country cult, with which we 
may compare the centralising of the deme cults in Athens. 

The Placian mother was served by " hieropoei called thalas- 
siae," recalling the maritime origin of the deity, and probably 
connected with the ritual washing of the image' : by a second 
body called {nnrreKovaa^ top /coafiov, probably the makers of 

^ Zosimus II. 31. 2. * Rihn. Mitth, 1899. 8. 

* Cf. Rtv. Arch, 1891. 10 (5) (6) ; /.JSr.5: xxiii. 81 (38). ^ Frag. 7. 

* Pans. VIII. 46. Marquaidt suspects that this had a ritual significaooe^ as the 
animal is figured also on a coin. (Mionnet, Supp, 307.) But this probably refers to 
the games ; such subjects are frequent on Roman coins in connection with the Ludi 

* 1. 8. 9. 

^ Cf. Lobeck, A^acpkamus 10 11, note. The juxtaposition of Cybele and the 
ship's prow on the Van Branteghem fragment shews that Cybele and her assessors 
were to some extent mariners' gods, like the Samothiacians. This function depends 
of coarse on the locality of the shrine (cL Isis Pharia) and was not an essential part of 
the conception of Cybele. Pladane and Dindymene, the latter especially after her 
connection with the Argonaut myth, might certainly be credited with it. This aspect 
of the Dindymene or Samothracian triad may be perpetuated at the monastery of the 
Trinity on the edge of the sea at Pandemia: at Aphisia, too, a procession with 
censers round the ruins of the church of the Trinity is, or was, supposed to change 
the wind and bring absent kinsfolk safe home from sea (Gedeon 63). 


some ritual robe for the image like the peplus of Athena': and 
by a third body of priestesses without a special name. The 
priestess of the: Placian mother, whom the inscriptions com' 
memorate, was also chief priestess of Artemis Munychia, and 

Fig. 19. Stele dedicated to Tolupjank (Inst 
' Cf. C./.C. iHi'M) (Mileiui). C./.i;. y)f (Atheni|. 


of the Mother and the Maid. The festival apparently fell on the 
JthTaureon'. The curious incidental mention of the"parthenon" 
of the Placjan Cybele, involving the mystic paradox of the virgin- 
mother, is not inconsistent with the Asiatic or pre-Greek use of 
the word iropffevoi as equivalent to unmarried*. 

Fig. 20. Stele dedicated to Andeiris (Inscr. iv. 5). 

Kotyana, a third name of the Mother, betrays its Thracian 

origin. The name occurs in full on one inscription 

(I. 2), and is perhaps to be restored in IV. 3. Kotys 

was the name of a Thracian goddess*, of several Thracian 

kings, of a hero slain by the Argonauts at Cyzicus* It occurs 

again in Cotyaeum and Cotyora, a village in Pontus". 

Tolupiane is the title given to the goddess on a large stele 

from Debleki*. who-e there are said to be ruins', 

dedicated apparently by a village corporation. The 

name is connected with a process used in the preparation 

' Tbe coincidence of Taurcon with the Athenian Munychion lu^esti that the 

Pladan Mother and Ailemis Munychia shared ■ temple. 

• Cf. Famell, Culls II. 619. 

■ Str. 470. • VaJ. Flac. no. ' Steph. Byi. • iv. 4 (Fig. 19), 

' A/k. MMk. X. joo (»9). 


of wooP, which may have been the chief industry of the 

Andeiris, on a stele found in Cyzicus itselP, is a local adjective 

derived from Andeira in the Troad, where the god- 

dess had a sacred cave. The figure differs from the 

ordinary types of Cybele, being represented rising from the 

ground and accompanied by Hermes. This shews the practical 

relation of Cybele to Demeter. The provenance of the similar 

stele of AfuUrifu^ is unknown, but it is very probably from the 

Troad : the epithet is perhaps to be restored in a fragment from 

the lower Kara-d^r6*. 

LobriM. Lobrine is only known from Nicander's verse* 

Kiepert' considers that the mountain Lx>brinon mentioned by 
the scholiast can only be that opposite Cyzicus (» Adrasteia), 
but on his map of Western Asia he gave the name to Klapsi 
conjecturally. The scholiast seems to me to be no wiser than 
ourselves as to the topography*. The passage is important as 
our only direct evidence for the cult of Attis in the Cyzicus 
district* with which perhaps the boar-type on the autonomous 
silver coins may be connected. The favourite form of the youth- 
ful male god as we shall see was Apollo. 

Domna is a name given to Cybele or Kore by Marquardt on 

the evidence of a coin in Mionnet". But the word 

is only a misreading for Athena". 

> Cf. Suidas, £i. Mag. t .▼. ToX^vif. 

* Cf. Poemaneni and the modem Yapfmji Kcui»Tchoban Keui»etc.» all indicating 
the occupation of the villagers. 

* IV. 5. ^ CJ.G. 6836. 

* IV. 6. * AUxipk. 7. ' Notes on F0rma* Or&ist ix. 

* His words aie ** Mo 7^^ $fni Mtalw h Kv{t«^ AirdvfMv ral AofiptM^tf, 9lal H r4 
Aofipt9h Iffti ^p&ftas i| tAvm Ku^ov.'* 

* Bat cf. Attoo Kome, Inscr. v. ss, Dionysus Attmtdtncs^ I v. 64, and the hill of 
Atys near Hadrianutherae mentioned by Aristidet. [Since the above was written a 
torso of Attis from Cjzicns has been published in the Brusa Museum Catalogue 
(Mendel, 8).] 

>* No. 16& " Imhoo( Mmmmks Grw€fMu, p. 144* No. S6l 


Adrasteia has since Marquardt's time been generally acknow- 
ledged^ as a form of Cybele confused by a false 

***** ** etymology of Greek mythographers with Nemesis 
'* whom none may escape ": the two were worshipped together in 
Cos*. We may consequently ignore from the point of view of 
Cyzicus all passages where Adrasteia is used as a synonym for 
Nemesis without specific reference to the divinity of the Troad 
and Mysia. 

The name Adrastus was associated with the Homeric city 
Adrasteia on the Granicus plain ; where no doubt Adrasteia and 
the hero Adrastus* were worshipped together like Aeneas and 
Aphrodite Aeneas : the prominence of the female element denotes 
an originally matriarchal cult, and is exactly paralleled by the 
Cybele and Attis legend : their essential identity is shewn by the 
cult of Mother Adrastos and Attes at Attouda in Phrygian 

Adrasteia, then, may be regarded as the home of this particular 
form of Cybele: there was, however, no shrine there in Strabo^s 
time ; one existed, he says, near Cyzicus', evidently on the hill 
overlooking the isthmus and the peninsula which bore the name of 
the goddess*: the existence of this ancient temple was probably 
seized upon eagerly as a link between Cyzicus and the Homeric 
cycle, though it may have no connection with the city on the 
Granicus any more than with Adrastus the Argive. The exist- 
ence of the temple would be held tangible evidence for the legend 
that King Cyzicus married a lady of Homeric descent instead of 
a mere Thessalian. 

The Mysian goddess appears in three forms, divine, semi- 
divine and heroic^ 

^ Cf. Preller-Plew, Gr, Myth. p. 558. Farnell, p. 499, Note 138 A. Panly- 
Wissowa, S.V. Runsay, Phryg. ii. 433. The identification was reached (i) by a 
derivation from a- and MpdaK^, and (a) by connection with the hte of the (Azgive) 
Adrastus (Zenob. I. 30, and Leutsch's note in Paroim, Gr. Cf. also Hesych., s.v.). 
Demetrius of Scepsis' identification of Adrasteia with Artemis only shews the essential 
identity of the Astatic Artemis and the Mother. 

* Paton and Hicks, 137, No. 104. Nemesis was worshipped near Brusa, Aih. 
Mitth. XXIX. 31 X. 

* Hesychins (s.v. 'A^pd^rov ^pOt) mentions a place on the Granicus called **the 
oak of Adrastus." 

* Ramsay, Phryg. 166, 169. * Str. 575. * Plut. IauuU. 9. 

' Cf. Titias above, who is at once a son of Zens, Idaean dactyl, and Mariandyne 


(i) As a goddess obviously identical with Cybele and 
associated like her with the Idaean Dactyls^ 

(2) As one of the mountain nymphs who nursed the infant 
Zeus on Ida*. The childhood of Zeus was evidently connected 
with the irc£/oy Htfiniiov around the Granicus' and the sisters of 
Adrasteia, Helice and Cynosura were said to have been changed 
into bears on the Arctonnesus^ 

Mention of a society of Bacchi named after Cynosura* inclines 
one to the belief that the latter was also a local goddess, while 
Helice is connected with Thessaly and with the Arcadian Ly- 
caon*. It is quite possible that these two along with Adrasteia 
fell, after the canonisation of Rhea Cybele by the literary religion, 
from their position of local Mothers of God to the subordinate 
category of nurses of Zeus, who need not lexically be limited in 

(3) Adrasteia is reduced a second time to a merely heroic 
figure — the daughter of Melisseus — parallel with Adrastus him- 
selP, probably by a Euhemeristic interpretation of the myth 
assisted by the fact that these primitive Phrygian deities were 
earth-gods and so not to be sharply distinguished from heroes; 
indeed a tribal hero and a tribal god are essentially identical. 

Of Demcter we find only slight traces at Cyzicus, in spite of 
the national importance of Kore. The priestess of 
the Plactan Mother was also priestess of the Mother 
and the Maid, and a sacrifice to Poseidon Asphaleios and Ge 
Karpophoros is prescribed by the Delphic oracle of B.C.H. vi. 
4S4; her head also appears frequently on coins, as does the 
running figure with torches in either hand: it is obvious that she 

' Phoronis ap. Sch. Ap. Rh. 1. 1 116. Aeschylus frag. ap. Str. 58a Cf. also Sch. 
ad Eur. Jikgsum^ 34s. 

* Diogen. Cyz. ap. Sieph. Byz. s.v. 'Adpa^ffta ApoU. Rhod. ill. 133. 
' Apoll. Rhod. I. 1116. 

^ Sch. Apoll. Rhod. I. 936. 

* Inscr. IV. 85. Cf. Lobeck, Agla^phatmus^ 11 18. 

' Lycaon again brings us back to Zcleta : It is profitless to attempt to follow up 
these hinu based on the nomenclature of kindred peoples, and confused by welt- 
meaning literary unification. 

' Chanu, ap. Steph. Byz. Cf. Schol. Rhgs. 34). where she is connected with 
Crete, naturally after the localization of the birth of Zeus on the Cretan Ida. 


must have been important in the Mysteries, though perhaps 
beyond this connection her sphere was limited by the power of 
the aboriginal Mother-goddess, more especially outside the Greek 
city itself. 

Isis, who according to late Greek ideas was only another 
avatar of Demeter, will be discussed in connection with 



Zeus is known to us at Cyzicus as Soter (on coins)\ an 
epithet of such extremely wide application that we 
cannot decide as to the aspect considered, and 
"Ayo?*, of which we have no particulars, though we may con- 
jecture with much probability that it referred to an Avenger of 

The Zeus of the villages was a deity with close affinities to 
the Phrygian — a chthonian type with an elemental side, and 
probably, like most rural deities, a " god of all work " invoked 
under various epithets in various circumstances. Most charac- 
teristic is the epithet Hypsistos*. which, so far from having any 
Olympian connection, designates a (chthonian) healing god as 
the reliefs from the Pnyx*, Cyprus* and elsewhere shew. This 
god was variously identified with Zeus or the Sun*, and some- 
times left quite vague {0€6^ fi^taro^)', from which we may 
conclude that Hypsistos is a dim and early conception later 
identified with Zeus, but capable also of being identified through 
its solar aspect with Apollo, and through its healing side with 
Asklepios. The identification would depend probably on 
whether the elemental (Zeus), prophetic (Apollo) or healing 
(Asklepios) side was most stron<jly pronounced ; also upon the 
period when the god was HcUenised, and possibly on the exist- 
ing tyi^e of ciiltus-ima^e. 

This god is commonly rc[)rcscntcd standing, with a mantle 

* Mionnrt, .Vi<//. 115. Thr typr is ihr umuiI nne of ihr riiMnct. (See Ix-Iow.) 
Cf. Inscr. IV. if}. An altar of /cus Soter has Ix-en found at Ili«lja, iv. j*. 

« Hekkrf, Anr*fi. 1. i.^S. * Invcr. iv. 13. u, 15. * C./Ai, 4^7-506. 

* K.C./f. XX. y)i. * Fi.irnckel, Ins-ht. r /V^'.m/i.'m, \\, 330. 


wrapped about bis middle, holding the hasta pura in his left 
hand and extending the patera with his right: he is often 
associated with a tree, in the branches of which, or on the ground, 
an eagle sits. The central object on most votive reliefs is an 
altar, on the right side of which stands the god, while from the 
left his worshippers approach with sacrifice. 

Fig. 21. Stele dedicated to Zeus Chalazios (Ids 

Of this type of relief we have examples : 

(i) From Sari Keui (Zeleia). iw.27. 

(2) From Panderma. IV. 27. 

(3) From " Nicaea." HI. 20A. 

(4) From Triglia. III. 36. 

(5) From Thrakia Kome. IV. 23 (Fig. 21). 

(6) At Hodja Bunar. IV. 28. 

{7) At Harakhi. (/. H. S. XXIV. 29.) 


(8) At Kazak Kcui (figured in/. H. S. xxiv. 22). 

(9) At Kermasti. III. 26. 

(10) At Hissar Alan. Atti. Mitth. XXIX. 300. 

(11) From near Gunen (iv. 21? Z. Olbios?). Coins of 

Cyzicus (Zeus Soter) and Hadrianutherae (Num- 
Chran, 1895, p. 98, 17) reproduce the type*. 

Of these (5) alone preserves the epithet (XaXaj^io^ Ici&{f»v) 
shewing that on the occasion of this dedication, the elemental 
aspect, as sender of, or protector from, hail*, was uppermost, 
though IV. 9 (Mihallitch) shews by its double epithet '' Hypsistos 
Brontaios*" that this neied not debar us from considering the 
Zeus Chalazios also a Zeus Hypsistos. We have nothing by 
which to estimate the character of Zeus Olbios (presumably 
similar to Plousios)*, the Zeus Crampsenus of Balia* or the Zeus 
Orneus of Halone*. 

The same type of Zeus is shewn also on the Van Branteghem 
fragment^ and the Panderma trinity stele' where he is definitely 
Hypsistos. We have thus the following trinities : 

(Dindymon) Titias, Cyllcnus, Cybele* 
(Van Branteghem) Zeus, Hermes, Cybele. 
(Panderma) Zeus, Apollo, Hekate- Artemis. 
(•* Nicaea ") Zeus, Apollo, Cybele", 
and possibly 

(Zeleia) Zeus (cf. above), Apollo, Artemis. 

All of these are composed of two male and one female deity, 
as is the Phrygian trinity of Zeus, Apollo, and Hecate". I believe 

^ This it very possibly the ancient god of Aristides* neighbourhood. The title of 
Olympius, with the accomp«n3ring seated cultus-image, need not be earlier than 
Hadrian's foundation. Here alone, in Aristides' dedication (Inscr. iv. 31) do we 
find a trace of Hera. 

' For hail -charms see Frazer*s notes on Paus. II. 15, 11. 34. 

' Two types of Thunder Zeus occur on Imperial coins. B,M. Caial. iSo, i8r. 

♦ IV. 17-10. ' IV. 8, 9. • IV. 14. 

' Aih, Miith. xvi. 191. • iv. 13. * ApoU. Rhod. i. ii)6. 

>* The two *' Nicaean " stelae are obviously from one shrine. 

" Ramsay, Phrygian 1 1. 566 (468), though Ramsay conjectures the Mother* 
daugfater-and-son conjunction for the rpJrrfv^Mi mentioned l. 357 (171). Cf. alio the 
coin of Germe with Asklephs^ Apollo, Artemis- Hecate (B.M. 3SBMionn. S78, Suff, 
537), and Paean, M£n and Hecate at Assarlar (J MS. xvii. 981 (48)), all of which 
go to prove that the usual trinity was of two males and one female divinity. 

H. IS 


that the prominence of the Mother-and-daughter conception was 
Eleusinian merely. The relationship does not occur among the 
pairs we have found about Cyzicus, which are : 

Zeus and Cybele. IV. i. 
Hermes and Cybele (Andiris). IV. 5. 
Apollo and Cybele. ill. 38 A, iv. 70. 
Attis and Lobrine, 

(besides Apollo and Artemis) 

which are composed of one male and one female ; and 

Asklepios and Apollo. I. 10, 

(perhaps formerly Zeus Hypsistos and Apollo,) 

Zeus and Apollo^ (Pliny, XXXVI. 22.) 
Apollo and Hermes, iv. 74. 
Zeus Soter and Heracles. IV. 26. 

with which we may compare the usual conception of the Cabiri 
as Hades and Dionysus: here we are justified in supposing a 
female element, just as at Eleusis, where Demeter and Kore are 
supreme, the male element is indispensable for the divine repro- 
duction which is an essential part of these cults. 

Of Asklepios we have only one late stele from Cyzicus*, but 

we may date his advent during the Pergamene 

period. The transition from the Oeo^ ir^urro^ is 

slight, and we have suggested that the great temple of Asklepios 

at Poemanenum was originally a healing shrine of Zeus and 


Asklepios figures frequently on the imperial coins not only of 
Cyzicus, but of Apollonia, Hadrianutherae, and Poemanenum, 
and we have record of games called MeydXa ^Aa-KkT^trieia in 
Inscr. III. 40. Remains of a temple, among which a base of a 
Telesphorus statue was found, vouch for Asklepios' presence at 

' For this combination of the Bnmchidae shrine (Steph. Byz. s.v. Didyma), where 
the feminine element is supplied by Artemis with very developed healing powers ; bnt 
C./.G. 9864, calls the trinity Apollo, Asklepios, and Hygieia. The antonomous 
coins of Apollonia ad Rh. exhibit heads of a similar trinity : (i) 2Seus, (a) Apollo, 
(3) Artemis. 

* IV. 3a. * j4tA, Miitk, XXIX. 973. 


Serapis and Isis, the Egyptian gods of death and the under- 

scnpis and world, are eminently adapted for equation with the 

'■'^ native gods we have just noticed : indeed Serapis 

was himself originally of Northern Asiatic descents though 

coloured by his residence in Egypt. 

In a port like Cyzicus foreign cults would naturally gain a 
footing early*. A terra-cotta plaque of Isis in snake form riding 
on the waves has been published by Dr Mordtmann*. We find 
also two dedications^ to the divine pair, dating from the second 
or first century B.C., erected by bodies of Therapeutae : such lay 
organizations, characteristic of the date, are indispensable in 
mystic cults where much depends on instruction in ritual and 
sacred lore, and we have frequent mention of societies owning ' 
a spiritual head in the other country cults of the district : all the 
names on the Serapis stelae, including those of the instructors, 
are pure Greek. 

Another interesting monument of the cult is the hymn to 
Serapis and Isis discovered on the site of Cyzicus by Carabella*; 
it is written in a lyrical metre, and in excessively crabbed Greek 
though neither illiterate nor of late date, and finds an exact 
parallel in the contemporary hymn from Cius^. 

Relics of the cult are also to be found in a grave-stone from 
BesbicusS with relief of the two Egyptian death divinities, and 
in a second dedication to Isis, in her agricultural faculty as 
Karpophoros*, found so far inland as Hammamli-by-Manyas*; 
this shews that the cult penetrated naturally to the village 
communities, probably mingling with the crude and amorphous 
religion of the rustic population**. 

» Tac. Hist. IV. 84. 

' Zens Ammon appears on two staters (GreenwcU 3, 4: cf. loser. 1. 14K perhaps 
in compliment to Cyrcne. 

• Ktv, Arch. 1879, «57. 

^ IV. 34, 35. Cf. IV. 37, a small dedication to Isis. 

• IV. 36. • C./.c;. 3734. ' V. a 14. • IV. 38. 

• In 1904 I procured in Pandemia a bronxe statuette of Osiris said to come from 
Manyas ; it is of Ptolemaic date, and not remarkable except for its provenance. 

>* Other relics of the cult in Northern Asia Minor, especially numismatic, are 
collected by Drexler in Num, Z/titsckr. 1889, p. 48 AT. 

15— « 



Apollo, as we should expect in an Ionian colony, especially 
Apollo and of Mlletus, makes his appearance early in the history 
Artemis. ^f Cyzicus. He is represented, we have seen, as the 

grandfather or even the father of the eponymous hero, and was 
' probably worshipped in this connection as Patroiis : of this cult 
we have but a hint in the funeral oration of Aristides over 
Eteoneus^, when Apollo Patroiis is associated with King Cyzicus 
as one of the protecting daemons of the state. 

The Argonauts, again, sacrifice at Cyzicus to Apollo' *£/c- 
)9a<rto9, on which the Scholiast comments as follows : "Deilochus 
says the shrine was not of Apollo Ekbasios but Apollo lasonius ; 
Socrates... says it was called after Apollo Cyzicenus." The three 
accounts do not of course contradict one another, the two being 
merely refinements on the fairly common epithet Ekbasios. One 
can well imagine a cult patronized by sailors to which a mytho- 
logical origin was later assigned. The above is, however, not 
strong evidence for a pre-Milesian shrine of Apollo in Cyzicus, 
and it seems probable that the earliest seat of Apollo in the 
Cyzicus district was not in the city itself but at Zeleia, which 
was for a great part of its history within the Cyzicene territory. 

Of the other titles of Apollo at Cyzicus, Aristides' lays quite 
unnecessary stress on that of dpxny^Trf<; which was 
by no means so unique as he appeared to suppose. 
Marquardt takes this merely as equal to oUiar^, referring to 
the Didymean Apollo of Miletus who had sanctioned the colony. 
We know indeed from various inscriptions that the connection 
between Cyzicus and the Milesian shrine lasted down into 
Roman times^ But the other Asiatic examples of apxfjyenf^ 

^ 1. 131, Dind. * ApolL Rhod. 1.960. Cf. »». 1186. 

* Or. ad Cyz. i. 383, Dind. * C./.G. 3855, ^^58- I°scr. i. 1 {6). 


do not bear out this interpretation: at HJerapolis for instance 
the Apollo Lairbenos had apparently nothing to do with a 
colony, and it is not in this sense that Sipytene is called apj(ti- 
ymt in C.I.G. 3387. The word is probably an expression of 
the ultimate fatherhood of the Phrygian ancestor-god. It is 
given to the Venus Genetrix claimed by the Julii as the foundress 
of their clan, and is thus an equivalent of Patrotis ; it belongs to 
the characteristic class of divine names which stand between the 
name proper and the epithet. It was this reticence as to the real 
name of the god which rendered the Anatolian deities peculiarly 
liable to a nominal Hellenism. 

Fifi. II. Rei.if.f of Apdi.e.o as CnH^ROKHUS (Aidlnjik). 

Wc have already spoken at some length in Part I. of the 

Zelcian Apiillo, giving some reasnn for supplying that his shrine 


was actually at the hot springs of Gunen ; this would account 
for his healing side; the scholiast on Iliad V. 103 attributes three 
other functions to the god — prophetic power, which is his most 
prominent attribute, and skill in archery — as patron of archers 
he gives the bow to Pandarus — and in music. His musical side 
is accentuated by the fact that all the monuments from the 
Cyzicene district represent him in the robes of the " citharoedus," 
except, curiously enough, a fragment of a stele built into the 
church at Sari Keui itself where he is shewn naked. 

A particularly beautiful tetradrachm of Cyzicus^ shews. him 
with the lyre and omphalos, and a long series of autonomous 
copper adopt the tripod type. A prophecy given to Olympias 
" in Cyzicus*" appears to prove that he had an oracular shrine 
there' : but it is at least possible that the reference is to the Zeleia 
— Gunen oracle. It is rather the rule than the exception to find 
the most important shrines outside cities, and an oracle especially 
depends on physical conditions. 

In the villages of the district Apollo was especially popular*, 
and a fair number of votive stelae have come down to us. 

The commonest of his epithets is Krateanos, a name with 
Bithynian affinities', which occurs on a number of 
stelae from two distinct localities^ One series comes 
from a spot three hours from Manyas and nine from Balukiser^ 
and the other from a hill above Artaki' : most of this latter find, 
DrMordtmann tells me, are now in the Imperial Museum. The 
two stelae at Bebek may probably be attributed to one series or 
the other ; one of them (IV. 50) has the epithet Krateanos, the 

^ Coins of the Ancients ^ PL xxix. a 7. We may here notice that an Apollo of the 
late Smintheus type (cf. CoUignon Sculpture n. 345) occurs on coins of Cyzicus (B.M. 
339), and Apollonia (B.M. 27), in the time of Commodus. He may have been intro> 
duced to meet a special need, possibly during a plague of mice (cf. Frazer's note on 
Pans. X. ii). ' Anth, Pal, xiv. 114. 

' Pythian games are commemorated on Cyzicene coins (Zeituhrift fur Numistnatik 
XV. 13). 

^ Str. 551. ^ Cf. Krateia in Bithynia, Arch, Zdt. 18, 76, 115. 

' M. Michon has lately republished all the known stelae of Apollo Krateanos. 

' IV. 41-48, of which 47-8 are attributed by the Louvre authorities to the 
'* environs de Poemanenus " ; as coming from M. Dorigny this evidently means Eski 

> Syllogos^ VII. p. i6a. 


Fig. 33. SiKi.E iibiJLCAitiD Td Al'iiLLo Krati^nos (Inscr. iv. 43), 


Other (IV. si) Mecastenus, which suggests at once the Macestus 
valley ^ 

Apollo Tadocomeites (perhaps " of the village of Tatas ") is 
known only from one stele", the exact provenance of which 
seems to be unknown. 

All these, as we have said, represent Apollo as Citharoedus 
with lyre and patera, generally receiving a sacrifice from more or 
less numerous worshippers. A tree is very frequently placed 
behind the altar ; and a second relief referring to the religious 
banquet is characteristic (IV. 50, 57). 

Apollo is associated with Artemis in IV. 56 A, 57, 59, with 
Cybele on the relief of the Poseidon and Aphrodite stele', as also 
on one of the "Nicaean " votives*: and once with Artemis- Hekate 
and Zeus Hypsistos*. 

The stele of the cataphracti from Ulubad' I attribute to 
Apollo rather than Poseidon (-wvi alone is left 
of the god's name) in spite of the subject, since 
I believe it to be a village dedication. The contingent is too 
small to be that of Cyzicus, and the epithet suggests Phrygian 
affinities (the name " Kasios " is very frequent in Sterrett's in- 
scriptions)' which are more suitable for an indigenous god. 

The solar side of the conception is represented by a dedication 
to Helios' and a relief of a radiated bust*. 

We have spoken of Artemis Thermaea*® at Zeleia, and men- 
Artemis tioned her name as associated with Apollo's on 
Thermaea. several Stelae. Few other epithets of the goddess 
are known. 

In Cyzicus she was Munychia, a title probably derived 
through Miletus from Athens, though a sanctuary 

Muaychia. <^ ^ 

of hers at Pygela was reputed a foundation of 
Agamemnon". The type inclined, as appears from such scant 

^ I have it on the authority of Mr Bunning of Susurlu, that many of the 
Branteghem antiquities were discovered near Omar Keui. This neighbourhood may 
be the provenance of the first series of Krateanos stelae. 

• IV. 5a. ' IV. 70. * III. 38 A. • IV. 13. • IV. 40. 

' Cf. Papers Anur. Sch, II. Nos. 40 B, 43, 50 D, 59, etc. • IV. 55. • iv. 56. 

*• The goddess was Thermia in Lesbos, B.C.H, iv. 430, 14-16. Cf. also the 
A, Sebaste Baiiatu of Boyuk Tepe Keui, I v. 60, and the Mi/nyp Qtpii,j\v^ near Eski 
Shehr, Ath, Mitth. xxvil. ayt, I. 8, 9. 

" Str. 639. 


notices of Munychia as have come down to us\ to that of Hekate, 
which, it will be shewn, may be regarded as the normal type of 
Artemis outside Cyzicus. 

Artemis Pediane (a local epithet) is shewn in a short chiton 
with the torch, on a stele from Pcramo*. Another 
Stele from Sari Keui shews her in a long robe enthroned 
with a dog at her side', receiving her worshippers at an altar 
with tree behind. A relief of a similar figure, standing with the 
torch, I saw at Harakhi, whence comes also an inscription to the 
** light-bearing goddess^" Perrot and Guillaume publish a relief 
of Hekate Artemis* from Ermeni Keui and a small and much 
mutilated triple Hekate was brought to De Rustafjaell in 1901. 

The mention of a thiasus of Artemis* called AoXc»v shews 
again her inclination to the orgiastic side. Its name may have 
been connected with a ritual similar to that of the Panathenaic 
ship at Athens: from which we should suppose a seamen's 
cultus of Artemis as XifAtPocxiiro^ or possibly Munychia. Her 
worship is prominent, too, in the description of S. Philetaerus' 
joumey\ much more so, indeed, than that of Apollo : this pre- 
dominance of the female element in late classical times which we 
have remarked elsewhere, is possibly due to a recrudescence of 
the aboriginal and matriarchal element in the population. 

The typical Artemis of the Cyzicus district is to be regarded 
as a goddess of distinctly chthonian attributes, with healing 
powers (cf. the goddess of the springs and iv. 63) as at Miletus*, 
and closely allied to, if not identical with, the mother goddesses. 

The Artemis of Ephesus occurs as a coin type, possibly as a 
compliment to that city, under Antonius, Lucius Verus, and 

Dionysus, of whom we should expect frequent mention at 

^^ Cyzicus as a chthonic and orgiastic god closely 

allied to the Thraco-Phrygian cycle, occurs curiously 

seldom both in the authorities and the monuments. Apart from 

' Faroell n. 564, note 30. ' iv. 59. > iv. 67. ^ iv. 61. 

* Gaiatii II. pi. 4t Inscr. IV. 58, ii from the lame village, but u the inhabitants 
till part of the site of Cyzicus, it is not necessary to suppose a village shrine. 

* Suidas S.V. AM«r. ' AcU SS. May 19. • Cf Strabo, 63s- 

* Mionn. (1) 5«//. 119, (s) sej And Sm^, jos, (3) Smf^, 303. Cf. also 0.7.(7. 



the Aura myth, which is purely literary^ we have casual mention 
of a tauromorphic Dionysus* (evidently connected with the icoft;- 
ycfiMv of Pergamon* and the ffovKoXoi), a dedication without 
epithet by a priest of Kore^, which suggests a chthonian god 
connected with the mysteries, and a reference to a thiasus called 
irp&Toi Ba^ot ^vvofrovpeiraiK 

A bare hint of a Dionysus in the marshes occurs in the 
sepulchral inscription of Dionysodorus, who is described as Xi/a- 
vayivtj^ yeyovd^. 

The month-names Lenaeon, Anthesterion, also recall the 
Athenian cult of Dionysus : and the festival Anthesteria (Dio- 
nysia)' was evidently connected as at Athens with dramatic 

A village ex-voto from Yali Chiftik gives Dionysus the titles 
of ^€09 iirriKQo^ and Ke/S/oi^i^io?^ (?) and another from Mihallitch' 
dedicated to Dionysus Attoudenus(?) seems to connect him with 
the Phrygian Attis-cult and the Great Mother; it is probably 
with a Dionysus- Attis that we must connect certain coin-types 
of the Antonine period* representing a young male figure dressed 
in a spangled oriental costume reclining with the left arm on a cista, 
extending a patera with his right, and approached by a figure 
playing the lyre. In the exergue are a bull and an altar 
recalling the votive stelae with a double register of reliefs ^^ 

^ It is given greater importance than it deserves in Ann. deW Inst, 1883, 377. 

* Athen. XI. 476 A. OF. Hesych. s.v. Tavpo^Xia* ^opr^ iw Kv^^ and the month 

* See FraenckeU u. 3i7-3«o. * iv. 65. 

* IV. 85. Cf. also Bpo^iiov M^^nft in V. 15. 

* I. 5. ^ IV. 64 f. • IV. 64. • B.M. 175, a36. 
'* An almost exactly similar type occnis at Thyateixa (B.M. 33, pi. vii. 1) where 

the vase shews that a river god is intended. There was evidently a close relation 
1)etween Attis and the river gods ; he is the grandson of Sangarius, and closely con- 
nected, or even identical, with the river Callus (cf. Jnlian, Or, m Mai, Dear.) ; his 
priests took the name of Callus or of Attis (cf. Mordtmann's inscr. in Siit. Bayer. 
Acad, i860). We have hinted at a similar relation between Miletus and Meles. The 
star-spangled dress of the Attis on the coin may be connected with his physical 
aspect and the "hat of stars" given him by Cybele in the Pessinuntine legend 
(Julian, Or, in Mai, Dear, ; Sallustius, Ilcpt tfefir iv.). 



Poseidon, though the reputed ancestor of the Doliones\ can 
hardly in fact be an earlier immigrant than the 
Milesian colony. As an Ionian god — his sanctuary 

at Miletus was the centre of the Ionian decapolis — a god of 
seafarers and a god of earthquakes, his position at Cyzicus was 
assured, though he is essentially a god of the town introduced at 
a comparatively late date into the villages*. 

He is appropriately designated Isthmius*, with which epithet 
we may perhaps associate the coin type resembling the Lysippean 
statue at Corinth, and Asphaleius as protector of the portl The 
same epithet seems to be given him as god of earthquakes in the 
Delphian inscription* where his connection with Ge Karpophoros 
seems designed to protect the welfare of the country side nega- 
tively by avoiding earthquakes, and positively by securing good 
crops : though the pair reminds us of the old Arcadian cults, we 
must remember that the formula is prescribed by Delphi and 
probably to meet the needs of a definite time. 

In a dedication by a company of merchant-adventurers or 
a fishers' guild, he is paired as often with Aphrodite* in her 
aspect of Euploia. The ex-voto of the marines^ dedicated to a 
god with the epithet '^ Kaseos " (in spite of its distinctly naval 
character) I prefer to attribute to Apollo. 

Of other monuments we have a dedication from "near 
Miletupolis," i.e. Hajji Pavon', and a statue classed as a youth* 

> Ap. Rh. t. 95). * Cf. IV. 67, where a special reason is ertdent 

• IV. 69. « IV. 68. • BXM. VI. 454. 

* IV. 70, cf. Pamell, p. 749, note 106, espedally Q. (PanCicapaeam). 
' IV. 4a • nr. 67. 


ful Poseidon is to be found in the British Museum; Cyriac^ 

mentions a "magnum terram quatientis Neptuni simulacrum" 

which he saw at Cyzicus in 1431, and Georgius Cyzicenus' a relief 

of Poseidon with the trident in the Armenian church at Artaki. 

Athena laid claim to an ancient establishment in Cyzicus, 

which boasted to be the oldest in Asia', and 

Apollonius (1. 955) says that the anchorstone of the 

Argonauts was dedicated by the Milesian colonists^ in the temple 

of Jasonian Athena. 

The cult received new impetus from Pergamon — ^we hear of 
Athena Polias Nikephoros and Panathenaea in an early imperial 
inscription', and the Pergamene type occurs on imperial coins^ 
as does the title of Soteira' which the goddess may have earned 
for her defence of Cyzicus in the Mithradatic war*. 

Aphrodite was worshipped as a maritime goddess (Pontia) 
with Poseidon, and apparently as Artacia or Arta- 

Aphrodite. * * vl . . t , 

cene* at Artace. A fine stater-type" is evidently 

copied from a statue of Aphrodite and Eros. Drusilla, and 

possibly before her Apollonis, were identified with the goddess. 

Hermes is known from the monuments only as 'EXeo^Trc&Xi;?" 

(probably a guild god) and loKKo^po^^ (not on a 

cultus monument) in reference to the purse which 

is his regular attribute in Roman times. There are only two 

votive inscriptions of Hermes, one from Bigaditch, where he is 

connected with Apollo", and another of simple type from 

Pasha Liman". 

We have noticed him in his chthonic form as an attendant 
daemon of Andirene" and of Dindymene and Zeus in the Van 

' B.C/i, XIV. 541. 

* p. 84, tit Hip tUp 'Ap/tMifvp iKK\ifffUuf Idop Ira Hoffti^Qpa furptmt dromi^rof, 
iKTVwtm KoX /Satfri^orra r^ rplavap. • Anik. Flai, VI. 343. 

* The Orphica (536) attributes the dedication to the Argonauts themselves — 
Apollonius is obviously to be followed. 

' Inscr. I. II. 

* e.g. B.M. 161, 363. 

' Imhoof. Gr. M, 614 (168) ; this is the coin on which Mionnet read AOMNA 
for A6HNA. 

> Plut. Luculi. 10. ' Steph. Byz. s.v. '^ Green well 34. 

" IV. 75. *■ VI. 37. " VI. 74. 

" IV. 73. " IV. 4. 


Brant^hetn fragment, perhaps also in the form Cyllenus in 
Apollonius Rhodius. Dedications to Hermes are rare, but the 
caduceus is an extremely frequent symbol on the coins of both 
Cyzicus and Miletupolis ; from the latter too comes a bearded 
herm of imperial date and archaising style dedicated by the town- 
clerk to the people*. 

Pan, according to one restoration of a fragmentary inscrip- 

tion*. was honoured with a statue in the harbour in 

return for an abundant provision of game and fish 

attributed to his agency. The inscription dates from the early 

Fig. 14. Kkljkf i>ei>ii 

fourtli century' and is couched in the formal terms of a proxeny 
decree ; as the only record of Tan at Cy/.icus it is unsatisfactory, 
for Perdrizct' conjectures with the t;reatest probability that the 


inscription is a proxeny decree of an Antandrian, whose town 
arms, the goat walking, appear at its head. The stone has 
however disappeared. 

Heracles figures, as we have seen, in the Argonaut myth ; he 

is the subject of a sixth century reliefs and apparently 

of a series of famous works in the round (signa) 

alluded to by Propertius', and perhaps representing the Twelve 


The only monuments of his cult are (a) the votive relief of 
the third century B.C.* dedicated by the strategi and phylarchs 
perhaps after the Gallic invasion, {d) a much-damaged relief at 
Kulafly of Heracles reclining, and (c) a dedication to Heracles 
and Zeus Soter from Omar Keui*. 

On coins of Domitian, resting on the authority of Sestini and 
Vaillant^, he (or Domitian?) is called the founder of the city. 
Cyzicene medallions of Commodus frequently bear the title of 
the Roman Heracles, and the emperor was evidently worshipped 
under this style. 

Castor and Pollux are known at Cyzicus only from certain 

CMtor and coins in Mionnet", on which they are represented as 

Pollux. horsemen, and a curious terra-cotta^ They certainly 

had a heroic cult in Cyzicus on account of their connection with 

the Argonaut legend, and their general marine functions : they 

were perhaps associated here as elsewhere with the Cabin. 

The city goddess (Tyche) of Cyzicus is frequently represented 

on coins, and resembles her prototype of Antioch 

in pose*. The Tychaeum is mentioned in the life of 

Philetaerus^ and formal dedications to the Tlarpi^, especially 

agonistic, are fairly frequent. An inscription on the architrave 

of the Tychaeum of Miletupolis has also come down to us". 

• B.S.A. VIII. 190, pi. IV. " III. 22t 7 ff. 

• IV. 76. * IV. a6. 
' MioDD. 1631 Supp. 313. 

• Supp. aSi. 347. 349 P)- 

7 ArcA. Zeit, 1865, CXCIX. See further Ath, MUth, 1885, 81. 

• The personification of the *' Cleite " stream is plainly shewn at her feet on B.M. 
213, corresponding to the figure of Orontas in the Antiochene statue. 

• Acta SS. May 19. " vi. 33 f. 


Homonoia is a personification connected especially with 
the "Alliance" coins or medallions of the An- 
tonine period : Cyzicus formed these alliances with 
Ephesus (under Antoninus)^ Smyrna (under Commodus)* and 
Nicaea (under Septimius Severus)'. A statue of her was set up 
probably on one of these occasions by one Flavius Aristagoras^ 
Aristides relates that he composed hymns to Aesepus, evi- 
dently regarding him as a healer\ on his way to the 
Springs, and a conventional river-god type repre- 
sents him on the imperial coinage*: a dedication to the river 
Enbeilus was copied by Pococke at Panderma^ which is evidently, 
like the following inscription*, originally from the Kara-d^r^. 
Rhyndacus was probably worshipped at Apollonia in the same 

Of the heroes worshipped at Cyzicus we have already 
H«ro«t: mentioned the eponymous founder in the Argonaut 

CysiciM. myth. In the Antonine period he was much in 

evidence, appearing frequently on coins, where his head, down 
to Gallienus, often takes the place of that of the emperor. 
Several heads also on the electrum staters* bear a strong 
resemblance to the later ideal portraits. A statue of him was 
set up in the theatre by the archon Julius Seleucus'*, possibly in 
the reign of Hadrian, and after this date a nude full-length 
figure of the young hero is a frequent reverse type: he stands 
with the right foot slightly forward, holding a spear upright in 
his right hand, and a chlamys on his bent left arm: the pose 
reminds one of the figure of Themistocles on the fourth-century 
coins of Magnesia: this figure occurs apparently for the first 
time under Domitian'\ before which date such reverse types are 
not to be expected. 

* B.M. 990» 991. ' B.M. 994. 

* Mionn. Supp* 604* quoting VailUnt. ^ I v. 84. 

* I. 570 Dind. Cf. CJ,G. 3165, hymn to Melts ...n^ #*^p^ /iov wmrrM fu Xm^^v 

* B.M. 347, Mionn. loi, Sm/p, 191, 978. 

' IV. 77. • IV. 78. 

* Green well 79, 80, and mott of all 89. ** vi. 17. 

" Mionn. 108. and 5m//. 161, he repretents the city on alliance medallions : a 
seated figure occurs under Antoninus, Sm/p. 13). The head, generally of a conven- 


Cleite was also, apparently, worshipped in Greek times^ as 
were the slain Pelasgians, Artakeus of Artace, Zeleus of Zeleia, 
Basileus, eponym of the Basileis, Gephyrus, perhaps the patron 
of the suburb at the bridge end, Promeus, Hyacinthus, Mega- 
losakes, Phlogius and Itymoneus*. 

We have already spoken of Poemes of Poemanenum and 
Miletus of Miletupolis who belong to the same order. 

Philetaerus, LucuUus, Agrippa' and Antinous were also 
probably worshipped with heroic honours, the latter perhaps 
taking his place among the imperial family. 

The title of heros is frequently given to hipparchs^ and other 
officials' — once even to a lady in an honorary inscription ^ Are 
we to consider it as an epithet of the apotheosised dead^ — it 
occurs several times in sepulchral inscriptions* — or merely a title 
of honour? If the hipparch Eteoneus and the Eteoneus of 
Aristides* are one, the former would seem to be the case, for 
Aristides lays stress on the fact that his Eteoneus of Cyzicus 
died young, and no mention is made of his having held office; 
his apotheosis is taken quite literally by the orator who refers to 
him as Ki;(ftAcoi; irdpeSpo^, and we should naturally suppose that 
the hipparchate was a posthumous honour which he shared with 
the god Poseidon and the New Sun Caligula. On the other 
hand Chaereas, who enjoyed at least eleven hipparchates, was 
certainly a "hero" as early as his sixth: six posthumous magis- 
tracies seem rather excessive even for Roman Asia. 

tional youthful athletic type, occasionally bears a marked resemblance to the coarser 
portraits of Alexander. 
1 Ap. Rh. I. 1075. 

* Ap. Rh. I. 1040 sqq. The scholiast objects to Telecles and Megabrontes as 
"inventions,*' i.e. not in Apollonius' sources. 

' !• 14- * See list. * e.g. the strategus Euneos in. 16. 

* in. 3o. ' As Ramsay, Phryg. i. 3, 384. 

' V. 36 A, 184, 356, 369, 304 {yi^ ^X6rarp() : in v. 60 a tomb is described as 

* I. 131, Dind. but the name occurs also (T. Ael. Eteoneus) on a coin (B.M. 331). 



From the city-heroes we turn very naturally to the sepulchral 
monuments. These range from the sixth century B.C down to 
very late Byzantine times and shew little affinity with the 
Phrygian: the characteristic designation of the monument as 
6vpa does not occur in the Cyzicus neighbourhood, and though 
the cippus form is not uncommon, it is only thrice referred to as 
/9a»/A09, three examples* being from the Bigha district and the 
other the tomb of a foreigner*. The altar form of monu- 
ment is usual in the districts of Kebsud and Balukiser, the 
analogous cippus form being distributed over a wider area. 

The earlier funeral monuments are for the most part stelae 
with reliefs of scenes from the life of the deceased, and the 
^funeral-banquet" type is common till style and orthography 
are alike extinct. This class of monument bears seldom more 
inscription than the name and patronymic^ of the deceased, 
followed by x^alf^ or the usual short salutations to the passer- 
by, thrown into a rough metrical form*. A fair number of 
monuments add a short metrical inscription of a more personal 

* S«e i V. of the Catalogue of Inscriptioiu. 

■ V. 74, loo, 78. • V. «3I. 

^ Occasionalljr also 4^«#t, and in 151 mmmXit, which I take to be an illiterate ren* 
dering of the Homeric ttA^iLimpt (cf. Ramsay, f^^g* Inscr. 187, r^#is»^r ; rars- 
Myuot, an epithet of somewhat similar type, occurs twice, S49) ; both inscriptions 
are probably fiom Mtletnpolis. For the diction cf. the purely Homeric tfMin)^ which 
occurs twice farther •onth,/M^, xvn. 185 (51), v. 75. 

* V. 171, ««^ S7S ; 306 has the pretty Une M^ iraX^ /M^tN mU iU^^^H ftm. 

H. 16 


The age of the deceased is rarely mentioned* but the date of 
death is commonly added in the Kebsud district*. One funeral 
monument of Cyzicus' is dated by the hipparch's name. 

The sculpture is rarely of merit, such refinement as is shewn 
by the relief of v. 149 being quite exceptional. The work in- 
clines generally to be flat and coarse, and the banquet-stelae are 
often overloaded with accessories: they shew obvious affinities 
to the votive stelae and would naturally come from the same 
workshops. The frequent double register* — in banquet-stelae the 
lower relief often has the figure of a horseman* — is common to 
both series, as are the incised subordinate figures. 

The only hint of the idea of absorption in the godhead is the 
solitary inscription from Besbicus* where the relief represents 
Isis and Serapis. This may be merely due to carelessness on 
the part of customer or engraver, like the relief of Cybele dedi- 
cated to Poseidon, and it is impossible to predicate anything of 
an isolated example: but the same idea of ultimate identity 
between the village god and his worshippers is shewn by such 
dedications as iv. 13 (to Zeus Hypsistos and the village) and 
IV. 20 (to Zeus and the villagers) : while the remarkable stele of 
Soterichus, Artemon and Meidias (v. 269), with its type of a 
sacrifice to three horsemen, evidently implies the apotheosis of 
the deceased. 

Later inscriptions are most frequently engraved on sarco- 
phagi : a curious example of the preference for this form is the 
diminutive marble coffin at Tchinily Kiosk' containing a marble 
bust of an emaciated boy. The use of the word {nrofivrjpta^ 
which has occurred also earlier on the stelae^ becomes almost 
invariable on the sarcophagi. It is so characteristic of the 
district that unless reason be shewn to the contrary, it is con- 
sidered sufficient evidence for the attribution of inscriptions of 

^ n. II (a), V. 17a, 996. ' Cf. also v. 341, Aboulliond. ' v. 989. 

* Cf. V. 38, 5a, 154, 173, 176, 186, 193, 195 A, 948. 

' V. «4, 65 A, 161, 184, 138, 353 (Dumont (p. 51 4) quotes seven cases from 
Thrace), cf. v. 61, 956 : the horseman appears alone in v. 184. The type is also used 
on the stelae dedicated to Enbeilus and the Hero. 

• V. 114. ' No. 46 (74). 

• e.g. V. 17, 108, i4« A, 193, m, 135, «5o. 


uncertain provenance^: outside Cyzicus and the neighbourhood 
(the word is regular at Gunen, not uncommon at'Apollonia, and 
extends south to Kebsud)* few examples of its occurrence are 
known': the somewhat similar inrofAveia appears once in 
Thrace*. The long vogue enjoyed by the Cyzicene term is 
shewn by its occurrence on a Byzantine sarcophagus at Kur- 

The usual formula for sarcophagus inscriptions from the 
Antonine period is as follows : — 'Tirofunffia rov Seivo^ rod Setvo^ 
h fcarecKevacev iavr^ H^v xal r^ yKutcvrdrtf yvvaiKi,,,Kal r^ 
Vi^...etc), Talk Si XoiiroZ^ airayopevc^* el ii Ti9 roX^ijcei trepov 
KaraOiaBai Sdae^ r^ rap^i^ iffvdpia 0<l>, etc. — the form being 
open to any variations which personal taste or illiterateness 
might suggest The largest scope for originality is offered by 
the threat at the end, which though often merely legal, is some- 
times joined with an appeal to superstition. The fine may be 
made payable not only to the treasury, but to the fiscus ( 1 59, 
223), the city (58, 71, 159*, 263), or to a trade-guild {Upwrarov 
avpiSptov, ICO, 140, 182, 207, 244), or the executors (308). The 
additional precaution of placing a copy of the epitaph among 
the archives is mentioned in 289, while the appeal to the law of 
Tvp,0wpvxio. is made in 100, 244, 323. 

The religious curse, with its more or less elaborate protasis, 
varies still more : in 243, we have remains of the old formula 
p^ffSi yrjv fiartfv p/ffBi 0<£Keia'aay wXorr^v, etc. ; in 271 ft^ Ay rovro 
TO funjpLa wtpucpovirff ^ p^raXKtvajf 6\§ wavuikfj airro^ xal r^ 
iicyova ainov firapdnp p^ptp (cf. the similar 7i I45> ^5^' 29^)* 
A direct appeal to the gods occurs in 324: — tUp iirovpavU^v dewv 
MoX T&v KaTax^ovlw KtxoKufUvwv tv%o«to ical hraparo^ icTm, 
etc. This class of curse culminates in the triumph of vindictive- 
ness which appears in v. 49 : — E* Si Ti9 avoi^a^ (Ttpov 0aXy 
vtKpiv X«9pU ip^v fj <rvv/3ov\evirff 4j irpo^an^^ ^ arfopaaji ^ 

' So V. 146 A, 150 A, are accepted as Cyzicene by the editon of the new Carpus 
and V. 934 A, by the Loovre authorities. 

* V. SI I, S9S, 50s. 

* CJ.G. 9S57 (Oenus) ; MovrtSop $nX B4^9Xm#4ci| n. p. 9$ (Tourbali) ; Dumont, 
86 c (Thrace, Christian). 

* C./.(;. S031. » v. 13. 

16 — a 




iruikfjffff rov tottov ^ S6\ov irowipov irovfiar) irepX to f/kVf)fjk€ioy, leaX 
iKeivo^ yev^trerai fuivel^^ Kal yevo^ to iKcipov, B<i<r€i Bi r^ Up^ 
rafieitp X)3^', Biw^ovaiv Be ol B^dfiove^ oi rerctrfiiivok diro cam" 
nraitrecu^ — all of which has not prevented the breaking up of the 
sarcophagus, and the insertion of its inscription in a fountain. 

ITwo examples of the Christian formula €<rrai avr^ irpo^ rw 
0eov\ are to be found in V. -I- 9, + lo ; both are characteristically 
illiterate. The other Christian inscriptions are sufficiently de» 
scribed in the Index*. 

^ Is it &nciful to consider this an indirect appeal to M6n Katachthonios, often 
invoked in similar circumstances on Phrygian tombs? 

« See Ramsay, PAry^. i, (1) 468. » § v. b. 


7 ^pi TS^ 

^ Stiffs iii 
Terajfum sr: 
? fireaiirj.:: 

rat avrir^' 



Names of 
the Qods. 


We have at Cyzicus an unusual opportunity for drawing such 
results as may be obtained from local nomenclature, since several 
of the longest inscriptions are mere lists of names. 

Characteristic of the r^ion, and shewing its affinities with 
Phrygia, is the frequency of names derived from 
M6n and the Mother — ^the old gods of the district ; 
though we have as yet no record of M£n so far north, compounds 
of his name are unusually common and varied in the Cyzicus 
neighbourhood; thus we find Menodorus, Menodotus, Menias, 
Menophanes, Menophantus, Menophilus, Menicetes\ Menothea^ 
Menothemis', while the old form Manes occurs in the earliest 
Cyzicene inscription^ and again in a Hadrianic list^ Similarly, 
the corresponding names, Metrodorus, Metrodotus, Metrophanes, 
Metrobius* are extremely common. 

The same applies also to Artemis and Apollo compounds, as 
Artemon, Artemas, Artemus, Artemisius, Artemidorus (Mendas, 
for Bendas, occurs once^), and Apollontus, Apollonias, Apollo- 
dorus, ApoUodotus, Apollophanes, Apollonides*. 

Demetrius, Epaphroditus, and derivatives of Athena, Poseidon, 
Hermes and Dionysus occur frequently here as everywhere. 
Bacchius is a favourite name and Euius occurs in ll. 6. 

Of the Egyptian cults we find traces in Serapion, Serapiacus*, 
Isidorus", Isarchus". 

> IV. 34, etc • V. «37. • V. 904. 

* II. 4, cf. also IV. 58, C^.j4, II. 9, 9S3. * IV. 56 A. 

* SminthU from the common epithet of Apollo in the Troad, v. 43. 

* II. 17. " II* 4* 9- " «v. 15. 

* I. i. 
' VI. 3«. 






Of river-names Aesepus*, Embilus*, Rhyndacus' and Sagarius^ 
^^^, occur once each, Maeandrius is curiously more 

Of Rivers. i_ m Vi 

common' while Potamon and Potamantus are 
common and characteristic. 

We may refer to the Pergamene period, the common Attalus, 
the rare Attales* and Eumenes, as also the ex- 
cessively common Asclepiades, with the other 
Asclepiad names, Asclas^ Asclepas, Asclepiacus, Asclepias, 
Asclepiodorus, Asclepiodotus, and Telesphorus*, Telesphorion*. 
Other common and characteristic Greek names are Adiman- 
tus, Hestiaeus, Midias, Perigenes, Zopyrus and 
Zotichus. Of Roman names it is interesting to 
remark Mucius in a pre-imperial inscription^^ and Pescennius in 
IV. 21. 

The Imperial family-names lulius, Claudius, Aelius, and most 
of all, after the extension of the franchise, Aurelius, are naturally 
common, Flavius comparatively rare. 

In Phrygia, Professor Ramsay has remarked on the frequency 

of Epic names, partly perhaps owing to the number 

of slaves and freedmen. The same holds good for 

the Cyzicus district, not only in Imperial times, but as early 

at least as the fourth century B.C. 

The following names occur : — 


Achilles, ill. 17 

Adrastus, 11. 5 

Aeneas, iv. 76 

Aeolus, I. 13 

Aesepus (of. lUad vi. 21), I. i 

Alexander (passim) 

Amphitryon, II. i 

Andigone {jnc\ v. 20 

Andromache, v. 16 

Antiope, v. 27 

Apsyrtus, v. 34 

Arius, V. 43, 44 

Auge, V. 181 

Callisto, V. 71 
Chrysothymis {sic\ v. 24 
Codrus, v. 80 
Cretheus, v. 86 
Cyzicus, II. 9 
Danaus, v. 93 
Daphnis, v. 94 
Dardanus, II. 12 
Eteoneus, I. 24 
Euneos, i. 6, in. 26 
Euphrosyne, v. + 13 
Glaucus, II. 8, III. 10 
Helena, v. 15s 

» I. I. 
* VI. 30. 

' IV. 77- 

■ v. 105. 
• I. I. etc. 
' II. 5, etc. 

* C./u4. III. 3. 3105. 

• II. 5. 

» II. 5. *» II. 4b. 




Helenus, 1 1. 4 

Hylas, II. 6 

Idomeneus, v. 31 

Jason, IV. 56 A, VI. 44 

Linus, V. 172 

Melcager, in. 33, iv. 31, 32, 89, 

V. 187 
Memnon, iv. 4 
Menelaus, i. 8, 11. 17, ill. 10; cf. 

V. 195 A. 
Menestheus, i. 8, 11. 5, iv. 51 
Miletus, II. 12, V. 186 
Minos, II. 6 
Narcissus, 11. 5 

Nestor, ill. 35 

Olympus, 11. 8, v. 129, IV. 79 

Orestes, iv. 64 

Parthenopaeus, v. 103 

Pelops, II. 10 

Perseus, 11. 5 

Phoenix, 1. 23, 11. 8, iv. 76 

Phrixus, IV. 29 

Polyeidos, iv. 70 

Polymedon, 11. 6 

Telephus, li. 8 

Teucer, i. 21 ; cf. Suidas s.v. 

Theseus, ll. 4, 8, iv. 22 

Tlepolemus, v. 63 


Non-Greek names are comparatively rare: the common 
Phrygian Tatas, Tata, and its derivative Tatias occur 
once each': the word is probably contained in the 
ethnic Tadocomites* and we may also connect with it the Zeus- 
Titias of Dindymon, whom we know better as Attis or Attes. 
A simple root ta- meaning "father" probably forms the base 
of all. A root pa- with similar meaning reduplicates to Papas, 
a Bithynian name of Zeus Attis*, and forms the name Papias^ 
of which Apphias* is another form (cf. Attis, Attes, and Titias, 
Tatias*), while Ammias, Ammia, Ammion^ are similarly derived 
(through Ammas, a name of Cybele quoted by Hesychius) from 
the simple root ma-. So that these names fall also under the 
category of derivatives from divine names. 

Daos' is also a Phrygian name, signifying a woIP. It is very 
common further south, and is used as an epithet of a native god 
(cf. Apollo Lycius) in Ramsay's inscr. 468. Nana** was the 
name of the daughter of Sangarius, who gave birth to Attis". 

' V. + 31, at, 101. • IV. 50. 

* Anr. ftag. 30, cf. Hdt. IV. 59, Z^us Papaeun in Scythia. 

* II. 5, v. 104, V. 936. * V. 104, etc. Cf. Apphion, v. 191. 

* Attalut and Papylus (v. + 3a) *i« perhaps dimtnative fonns, cf. Ramiay, Phryg,^ 
t. 389. 

' ^* 7t '3t '04, Ammiane, v. 9«. 

* V. 105, Foreign Inscr., Miletus 1, cf. Dcoa, v. 51 ; Amma, v. 355. (Mamas is 
another form corresponding exactly to Papas.) 

* Suidas, s.v. >* v. si 4. 
" Amob. mdv, Ctni,, v. 6. 


A few native names recall the Thracian element in the 
population e.g. : Rhymetalces\ Doedalses*, Aulouzelmeus* and 
possibly Zela*: Mamouges* has affinities further south* and 
with Scopanes' Mordtmann connects the Armenian (? Turkish) 
Tchoban (shepherd). 

Other Non-Greek, names are Theibas', Bocedes»(?X Bospon", 
Katomarus", Akatyllis Algoumis^*, Medite". Manes and Embilus 
we have mentioned above. 

It will be noticed that many of the barbarous names belong 
to persons who, possessed a Greek name as well, and who for the 
most part required a second name to distinguish them from their 
fathers": thus we find : — 

I. Greek attd native name. 

Eutychion( li.), qui et Mamouges (11. 7). 

Perigenes (li.), qui et Scopanes (il. 5). 

Epaphroditus (ll), qui et Theibas (ll. 9). 

Zela (II.), qui et Zoilus (ll. 11). 

PAlgoumis, qui et S. 

2. Both names Greek. 

Onesimus (11.), qui et Telesphorus (11. 3). 

Artemon (11.), qui et Scymnus? (v. 48). 

Asclepiades (11.), qui et Hieronices (v. 173). 

CI. Eumenes qui et Moschus (i. 21). 

Epinicius, qui et Cynas (Eusebius, 01. 246). 

Nympheros, qui et Nicanor (v. 221). 

3. Greek and Latin names. 

Gaius (II.), qui et Pistus (ill. 38). 

Hennas, qui et Mercurius (vi. 23). 

Q. Laenas, qui et Lysimachus (v. 162). 

Unio, qui et Dionysius (v. 107). 

* II. 7. 

' in. 95. The name occurs further South in the forms Na, Nana, Ena, Anna 
(Ramsay, Phryg. Inscr.^ 184, 97, 91, 175). Cf. Strabo, 563; Photins, aaS; LeBas, 
1783, all of which are Bithynian. 

' IV. 44. Cf. Dumont, p. 545, for many similar names. 

* II. II. Kotes (if my reading is correct) in vi. 11. Diliporis in v. 196X9 Moicat. 
' II. 8. * Cf. P.A.S. III. 379, VLofLW^^. "* II. 5. * II. 10. 

* V. 173. 

'• I. II, cf. Bosses f V. 155. " V. 169. 

** V. ID. " V. 198. 

^* Ramsay discusses these double names in Pkryfria ig. 637. 



Dionysii, qui et Paterion (v. 219}'. 

P. Aelius cognomine 
Sosias, qui et Crissimus' (li. 6). 

The only mention of the mother's name is in ll. 7 (Apollonius 

' The rare name Paterion suggests that it was a translation of Papias. 

* n. AfXxoff 6 4wU\jpf Zw^iat , i koL Kpla^ifim : ^UrXiyy is, according to Ramsay* 
p. 400, a mark of Christianity : though the inscr. is a public list, the name Kpk^^iftM is 
suspicious, cf. Kplaifiot 4a*^P* i" ^ Christian inscr. (Ramsay, 355«-4). 

[We may here notice that the name'A/i^pcAiFot (suspected as Christian by Ramsay 
ad inscr. 465-^) occurs in our inscr. ll. 17. (See also foreign inscr. HeracUa^ il.)] 

» a. V. 114 (?). 



The government of Cyzicus, as we have seen, was normally 
democratic, or perhaps more truly plutocratic, and only by ex- 
ception, as during the Spartan supremacy, oligarchic. Tyrannis 
was a phase in every Greek state normally forming the transition 
from oligarchy to democracy, but occasionally due also to the 
bitterness of Greek factions, no less than to the lust of power 
in individuals. Our earliest record (late sixth century)^ is of 

Legislation was carried on by the national assembly aided 
Bouie: by its Committee the Boule: the nation was divided 

Tribes. fQj. purposes of government into six tribes, of which 

four are the Ionian Argadeis, Hopletes, Aegicoreis and Geleontes ; 
the other two, Oenopes and Boreis, are known also at Miletus the 
mother city of Cyzicus". 

To these six tribes were added in early Imperial times, two 

new ones called Juleis and Sebasteis, probably composed of the 

resident aliens who had been attracted during the republican 

period on account of the commercial prosperity of the city. 

Over the tribes presided the phylarchs : in late times, when 

ornamental titles were much sought after, it is not 

unusual to find more than one phylarch to each 

tribe in the prytany lists. Boeckh suggests that there were 

^ Michel. 533 (i. i.). 

" Sber* Birl. AkaeL 1904, xix. ; both B^peif and Ofrwrtt survived as subdivisions 
of the tribes at Ephesus. B.M, Inscr. ccccLvni., ccccLXXi., dlxxviii., cccclxi., 



normally three, one for each trittys, but this was evidently not 
the case in the third century B.C.*, when siK only are enumerated, 
and another inscription* is some evidence for the single acting 
official in the Antonine period. The honorary title was probably 
retained by ex-phylarchs. We have, moreover, no record of 

trittyes at Cyzicus, beyond the occurrence of the 
obscure ^a^^* which has been supposed to signify 
"of the middle trittys." The corresponding terms for the first 
and third trittyes do not, however, occur, and in C./.G. 3657 
/A€<r^9 may perhaps be explained by the opening clause evrel 
*Ap[aTap8p6^ ^aip — i.e. the originator did not propose his 
motion in person, but employed a "middle-man*." 

The association of phylarchs and strategi in IV. 56 and I. 21 
(the wall inscription) where each body has its president, shews 
that the phylarchs had general duties, outside the registration 
and organisation of the tribes. 

A comparison with the formulae in vi. 13 and C/.G. 29S1 

^^ (Apollonia ad Rh.), where again two officials are 

mentioned as representatives of the ipxovrt^^ 

suggests that the boards of phylarchs and strategi together 

were designated by the general term. 

The Boule sat in the Bouleuterion* (in which was kept 
BottJcn. the anchor stone of the Argonauts*) and appointed 

••'*•"• its clerk, whose name is fairiy regularly cited in 

the preambles of public documents. 

The monthly inner council or Prytanis' of the Boule was 

composed of (probably fifty) members of each tribe 

in succession*. They sat in the Prytaneum, a 

building constructed, Pliny tells us*, without iron nails, evidently 

for superstitious reasons**, where also the public dinner was 

given to those who had deserved well of the state". By a later 

" IV. 76. " II. 18. • I. 8, i3» '4- 

* I. 13. Cf. also Ditt. 365, tUiiyii9aiii»id9 tQv ^kpx^t^rmw w^wtmp^ 

• Aristkl. Or, Sm, v. (i. 538 Dind.). 

* PIlD. XXXVI. 13. 

' Compare II. (I's^O ^n the catalogue of inscriptions. 

• I. 3, cf. I. «. * iV.M XXXVI. 33. *• Cf. the Pms SmA/inms. 
" Lit. xli. to. 


arrangement ^ this committee was composed of fifty members 
chosen from pairs of tribes in rotation : this plan evidently 
dates after the formation of the two new tribes, and was devised 
to give an equal number of months in the year to each tribe, 
which would of course have been impossible with eight tribes 
serving alternately: the members were presumably, as the 
division between the two tribes is generally unequal, chosen 
from the candidates of those tribes taken together, either by 
lot, or possibly in proportion to the strength of the tribes con- 
cerned. The pairs are ( i ) Boreis and Aegicoreis, (2) Ai^adeis and 
Geleontes, (3) Oenopes and Hopletes, (4) Sebasteis and Juleis. 

The president of the prytany as a whole is called pry- 
tanarches, the daily president as at Athens epistates*. 

In a second month of office the ex-prytanis presided over 

the fcdWiov, which we have identified with the 

precinct of the Eleusinian goddesses. The xdWiov 
at Athens is described as a law court*, which was also ap- 
parently a precinct*, like the court called ri/jbcpo^ M7)Ti6xov\ 
The Cyzicene koXXiov may have united both religious and 
juridical functions: the intimate connection of religion and 
justice especially in cases of homicide and perjury is obvious. 
At Athens homicide was investigated before the Basileus and 
i^ffyrfrif^ r&v oaimv^ and " Basileus," and occasionally i^riyrjrri<;\ 
figures among the titles of the prytanies in the Cyzicene lists. 
The prytanarch remained as president of the KdhX^a^ovr^^ 

with the title of calliarch or apx^v rov xaXkiov. 
"*** ' The latter title is always the one quoted in the 
lists of prytanies. 

The Cyzicene calendar is not yet fully known, but the 

months may be disposed with tolerable certainty 

in the following order': 

' We have no record eazlier than Hadrian, and the Aegicoreis serve alone on a 
stele of that date, xi. 5. 

* I. 5. Cf. I. 9. ' Bekk., Atmd, i. 370. * lb* I. 971. 

' lb, I. 509. Cf. Poll, VIII. 191, where it is called rd Mi^^x^v icdXXior and the 
name derived from its architect M^cx^* * n. 6. 

' See W. Kersten, De Cytico quastt, epigraph, Halle dissert. 1886. See also 
Ahrens {RJuin. Mus,^ xvii. 335). Lolling {Atk, Afiiik.) xiii. 307. Clodins Fasti 
lonid, Halle dissert. 1889. 












Cyanepsion, ll. 2 




Apatureon, il. i 




Poseideon^ 11. 8, 





Lenaeon, il. 8, etc. 




Anthesterion^ ll. 

8, etc. 




Artemision, i. 5 




Taureon, i. 5 * 




Thargelion, li. 4 




Calamaeon, 11. 3 




Panemus, ll. 3 







The bracketed month-names do not occur in the Cyzicene 
records. Inscriptions vouch for the sequences (i) Poseidon — 
Lenaeon — Anthesterion: (2) Artemision — Taureon: (3) Cala- 
maeon — Panemus, while the Samian Calendar^ vouches for 
the sequence of (4) Panemus and Cronion, though Cronion is 
originally equivalent to Attic Hecatombaeon'. 

Three months of the Zeleian Calendar — Acatallus, Heraeus 
and Cecyposius (?)^are mentioned in I. 1 6. 

Subsequent evidence has shewn that, contrary to Boeckh's 
supposition, the order in which the tribes served was not regular: 
thus the prytaneis for Calamaeon in II. 3 are Aegicoreis and 
Geleontes, in IL 5 Hopletes (and Oenopes?). We may, there- 
fore, suppose that precedence was assigned them by lot, certainly 
till the new arrangement was introduced by which two tribes 
shared each prytanis. Before this arrangement it may have 
been felt inconvenient that, with eight tribes and twelve months, 
each tribe did not serve an equal number of terms in the year. 
By the new arrangement each of the four pairs would serve 

* Boedromion occurs at 01bi*« a colony of Mtletut, where all known months (vii. 
Anthesterion, Apatureon, Kalamaeon, Lenaeon, Panemus) coincide with the 
Cysicene (see Latyschev, Imcrr. Or, Sept, Maris Ensimit 1.). Taureon in Herondos 
VII. 86. 

* I. 16. 

* Anthesterion is known alM> at Apollonia, v. 933? 

* Ahrcns, /nr. at. 319. 

* With regard to the subdivision of the months, the tripartite scheme (cf. ^ifwwrsi 
Inscr. I. 8, 9, dvtbrrot i. 10) seems to have been given up in Imperial times in favour 
of the simpler system of our own day (cf. I. 13, ^aprpiKiiaPt i 1. 14, AiproiwrM t). 


thrice. The date of the change falls between Hadrian and 
Caracalla (i.e. within the period of the first Neocorate). 

No era is mentioned on any monument of known Cyzicene 

provenance: records are dated by the hipparch. 

The Sullan era was used at Apollonia* and 

apparently also in the Kebsud district. The Bithynian era(.?) 

of the "Nicaean" stelae' may be compared with that of the 

similar stele from Triglia*. 

The Gerousia is mentioned only twice, both times in funeral 

inscriptions^ ; this is negative evidence in favour of 

Ramsay's idea' that it was merely a social club, 

analogous to that of the Neoi, and quite devoid of political 


The eponymous magistrate at Cyzicus was in early times, as 
at Athens, called apxc^t^' Our earliest inscription 
(sixth century') B.C. does not mention the title, 
the heading being simply en-l Ma^avBpCov, but an early fourth 
century inscription' is prefaced by the words cVl *EpfjLoSiipov 
apxovro^ iy Kv^U^^ while our earliest eponymous hipparch 
occurs in the wall inscription' dated by Perrot about the middle 
of the fourth century. 

The importance of the Hipparch's office must have grown up 

at the time of the Cyzicene conquest of the main- 

pp«rc . j^^j ^^^ which we have unfortunately no details) 

and perhaps implies a system of mounted gendarmerie^. From 
this period onwards we have uniformly hipparchs (the title is 
sometimes omitted ; but between dates which presuppose a 
hipparch), while the title archon seems to be used in its more 
general sense, as for instance in the preambles of I. 2, 13, 15 
and in the common use of apx^v in the prytany lists, where 
ToS KoXKiov is to be supplied. The strategi especially are 

> HI. 3. Cf. V. 537. See Ramsay, Phryg, i. 1. 103. 

* m. aoA, 38 a, * iv. 4. 

* V. 944 (fine payable to ytpovcta). Cf. v. il66 (ytpovainrtiii). 

* C B» Phryg,, i. H. 438 ff. • I. i. ' il. ao. ■ I. «i. 

* Not only for the general security of the country, but for the protection of the 
trade-routes. The Ilian decree shews that native troops were posted at Poemanenam 
even in Roman republican times. See Ramsay, Phrygia i. i. 158 IT. on the 


alluded to under the more general word archon, while the 
plural archontes, as we have suggested above, may include 
also the board of Phylarchs. 

The list of known hipparchs is arranged in roughly chrono- 
logical order, but hardly one can be dated with certainty: the 
formula iirl imrdpxe^o seems generally earlier than imrap- 
Xovirra^, the usual form in imperial inscriptions, though both 
occur together in I. ii and iirl iinrdpj(€<o sporadically as late 
as Caligula. The office seems to have become in the Roman 
period almost purely honorary: it was held by Poseidon as 
early as the third century &C., and under the Antonines it is 
duplicated, and bestowed on a woman or even two women. 
Village I'hc ultimate responsibility of the hipparch for the 

covcrniiMnt. government of the whole territory of Cyzicus in 
republican times is shewn by the occurrence of his name on 
several inscriptions obviously from the villages^ and one from 
the islands*. The country districts were divided into boroughs' 
each governed by a magistrate called Bioiteffr^^ aided by a staff 
consisting of a clerk, five diaconi, and a cellarer. Directly under 
the diocetes were probably the trpc^rosemfjkfjrai* or village head- 
men of his district The xa>/>oi, which are distinct from the 
sewfuu*^ may be compared to the modem noAie, the diocetes and 
protocometes being perhaps equivalent to the kaimakam and 
the village muktar respectively. 

The great difference between the hipparch and the strategus 
(who in other countries, e.g. Acamania, Aetolia, 
takes precedence of him) is that the authority of 
the latter does not extend outside the city limits. The hipparch 
is mentioned before and apart from the strategi in L 21, iv. 76, 
II. 20; in the latter case the normal five strategi with their 
co-opted colleague, probably an extraordinary member of the 
board, are all given their full title of strategi t^ itoK^m^ in I. 14, 
the similar title of strategus mara iroKiv is given to one man, 
probably the senior. 

> Inscr. IV. 4, S3. 83, 8S. * 11. 14. * <i«i«^ffit, cf. Str. 639, Inscr. I v. 4, a 3. 

* V. 137. The word \% discussed at some length in J, H, 5., xxii. 359, in con- 
nection with a possibly Christian inscription mentioning a female l«4««Mf. 

• Cf. especially V. 16 A. 


In accordance with their limited sphere of influence we find 
the senior strategic placing their names on the coinage, except 
in a single instance. These names are added not for dating 
purposes, the primary use of a hipparch's name, but as a 
guarantee of the coin. So in the coinage of mediaeval Europe 
the moneyer's name or mark api>ears many hundreds of years 
before the date. 

The nauarch*, mentioned only in Inscr. IV. 40, was probably 

a yearly magistrate, if we may judge by Abydos, 

where he was eponymous*. The nesiarch men- 
tioned in Inscr. I. 5, though a Cyzicene, must be referred to 
the confederacy of the Cyclades*. 

An imperial accountant* (Xoyiartf^) of Cyzicus, M. Ulpius 

Carminius Claudianus, is mentioned in an inscrip- 
officials. tion of Aphrodisias', where he had served in many 

capacities; Cyzicus in her turn provided an ac- 
countant for Ilion, with which city she seems to have been on 
good terms since the Mithradatic war^ in A. Claudius Caecina 
Pausanias^ who had served as strat^us in his native city*, 
probably under Antoninus^*, and was there honoured with the 
dedication of a statue by his clerk (irpajfuirarrif^) Metrodorus". 
Ti. Claudius Severus (another strategus of Cyzicus? but ap- 
parently a Galatian by birth) was sent as an accountant to 
Bithynia^*: all three cases conform to Ramsay's rule that 
imperial accountants serve in the second century outside their 
native cities. 

^ Strategi and archontes are identical on coins. Cf. B. M. Cat. : Ljfdia preface 
C. I. and Le Bas W. 1044 ffrpanyytar kJbp Tifumpdrov a' dpxorrot. Imhoof, A7. Jtf., 
p. 89, 30, M A^(ovrot) Tpo{r6p€wt7), 

• IV. 40. • C^.G. a 1 60. 

* See B.C.If., xviii., 1894, p. 400 ff. 

* Cf. Marquardt, Staatsvtrwaittntg, I. i6«, 998. Ramsay, Phrygia^ i. 11. 369. 

• CJ.G. 9789. 

' Cf. the apparition of Athena, the (Cyzicene?) troops sent from Poemanenum, 
and the honorary decree. C.LG. 3598=I>orpf. p. 465, 97. 

* Arch. Zeit. 1879, 57 naiwcvfay appears as AION, which, being corroborated by 
Dorpf. (x. 588), is perhaps an engraver's error. 

• I. 94. 

» Mionn. i8o=B. M. 916? " C.I.G. 3680. 

" C.I.G. 4033. 4034- 


An imperial procurator (iwirpoiro^) was stationed at Apol- 
lonta\ possibly to collect the harbour dues of that 

Procurator. <• t ^ 

port for the nscus*. 
Of civic officials, we have noticed the strategus of the city, 
Civic wh<^ ^<^^ probably a general responsibility for the 

oiAciais. Government within the municipal boundaries ex- 

tending to the coinage and including the police. 

Three architects, according to Strabo', were regularly 

appointed during the republican period for the 

supervision of the public buildings and the engines 

of war : it may have been one of these official architects who 

was sent {ivtxa r^9 v^wiroita^i) on the embassy to Samo- 


An extraordinary official of the same character was the 
Tuxonoio^^ who was appointed when the city walls were being 
built in the fourth century. He was entrusted with the general 
supervision of the work, which was carried out by contract, each 
contractor undertaking a definite portion. The position of the 
architect in charge of Tryphaena's harbour works* seems to have 
been similar: he was certainly appointed for the purpose. It 
may be that the permanent architects formed a Board of Public 
Works, reporting on dilapidations, and deciding what measures 
should be taken. 

A vtwTTOih^ r£p l^fiaar&p^ must have held temporary office 

Over the food supply — Strabo* mentions the public granaries, 

which did the city good service during the Mithra- 

***^ ^ **' datic siege — presided the sitophylakes* : over the 

regulation of the market — a market of men^ is mentioned 

besides that built or enlarged by Tryphaena" — the 
8t«pbafM. agoranomi, who are associated with the stephane- 
^^' phori (religious officials as appears from I. 2 (*)) for 

the maintenance of public order in Inscr. I. 14. 

' C./.G. «98i. • Cf. A.SM., XIX. ^7. 

* 571. * CJ.G. 9158, but the reading is uncertain. 

» I. ti. • IV. 68. 

' III. 49. '57^* * Dumont Inscr., Thrace, 378. 64a, il. 17. 

>♦ I. 8. » I. 14. 

H. 17 




The limenarch* had presumably charge of the customs 
and of the port in g^eneral, while finance was 
Tamia*. in the hands of the tamias* (treasurer) and trape- 

zites* (banker). 
Trade guilds known at Cyzicus are : — 
Trade (0 The harbour porters (v. 182) ; 

«^"**** (2) The weigh-house porters (v. 422) ; 

(3) The fishers (v. 100) ; 

(4) The fullers (v. 140) ; 

while a guild of oil sellers may perhaps be inferred from the 
Hermes Eleopoles of iv. 75. 

A company of merchants including two directors {apx^vai)^ 
two financial managers (iiri rod yprniarMriAov)^ eleven share- 
holders {jjLeTolxoi)j and two travellers {iircvyfoyoX) is mentioned 
in a stele of republican date dedicated to their patron gods, 
Poseidon and Aphrodite Pontia^ 

Another hierarchy of officials — the Education Department 
of a Greek state — dealt with the gymnasia and 
the other institutions connected with the athletic 
games. Cyzicene visitors appear at most of the famous athletic 
contests of antiquity. At Olympia they won the stadium at 
the one hundred and twenty-seventh, one hundred and fifty- 
ninth, one hundred and sixtieth and two hundred and forty-sixth 
celebrations", and a successful boxer carried off the prize at the 
Olympia, Nemea and Isthmia* : the city's representatives appear 
also at Thespiae, Orchomenus and Delphi. 

Their training began in their childhood under the paedo- 
nomusl The education of the ephebi seems to 
have been in particularly good repute, for Teucer 
of Cyzicus made it the subject of a book": this 
may in part account for the choice of Cyzicus as a place of 
education for several youthful princes. 

The ephebi were placed in charge of an ephebarch* and 



* III. 36. 

» rv. 85. 

' Eosebios, cf. Paus. vi. 137. 

' I. 13, cf. I. 10. 

* I. 19. II. 17. 

» I. 5. 

* IV. 70. 

* Paus. VI. 4, 6, cf. also v. <i, 3. 
' Siiidas, S.V. ^wxpbt. 


hypephebarch^ who were assisted in their duties by a monitor 
(Sioiiop^)* chosen from the number of the ephebi. 

Of the Neoi, who were probably superintended by the 
gymnasiarch' and xystarch* we have a quaint 
record in the curious series of inscriptions* com- 
memorating various pairs of youths who had completed their 
course : the device is uniformly a pair of human feet on which 
the names of the departing scholars are engraved, with the 
formula r&v avararoiv* teal aSeX^cSv fUfiVffo'Ot hr ayaO^ oi 
v€oL These are of course not official monuments, but partake 
of the nature of Graffiti. 

The S.C. de Corpore Neon' alludes to the social side of 
the oi^nisation* for which the Jus coiundi was necessary : the 
Neoi formed a club for younger men as the Gerousia for their 

Beyond the officials mentioned above we know of the 

existence of a panegyriarch (perhaps also of an 

agonothetes)' and of colacretae; the functions of 

the latter are unknown, but they are connected with the games 

of Philetaerus in II. 19, the sole mention of the office. At 

Athens their original religious duties became financial. 

The games with which these officers are connected are 
intimately bound up not only with the religion 
^^**' and education of the Greek states, but also with 

the politics. The great festivals of the republican period, 
especially of course the Olympia, were one of the few Pan* 
hellenic influences to counteract the narrowness of city and 
party patriotism* 

A yearly gathering of some sort**, accompanied naturally by 
a fair, was a usual feature even in small local cults ; it survives 
in the panegyris still held at the smallest Greek churches on 
their saints' days : games and dramatic contests of a rude sort 
were almost universal. 

It is obvious that the Romans (perhaps using the example 
of the Attalids t>efore them) did all in their power to make 

» II. 17. " II. 17. ■ I. 10. * HI. 4}. • Set VI. «9-36. 

• a. Dumont, 397, I4 S, fa ' I. W. • Cf. Ramtay, /l*o/. I. 

» III. 40. " "I. jB A, cf. IV. tj. 

17 — 2 


these gatherings the rallying point of the philo-Roman policy 
from the commencement of their rule in Asia. To the temples 
of Apollonius and the games of Philetaerus succeed the MucieaS 
in honour of Mucius Scaevola, the organiser of the province, 
which are celebrated, certainly at Pergamon, that old focus of 
the philo-Roman idea, in connection with the religious games 
of Asklepios Soter. With the Muciea, as the Manyas inscrip- 
tion shews, was associated the common council of Asia. 

Such an assembly evidently made for the levelling of local 
prejudices and the cultivation of the imperial ideal. At Cyzicus, 
while it was still a free city, a similar bond certainly existed, 
after the si^e of Mithradates, in the LucuUea. In Tiberius' 
reign we find the Panathenaea in honour of Athena, Livia, and 
Tiberius joined with a free market for the popularising of the 
cult. Gains probably freakishly institutes the games of Drusilla, 
while the culminating point of the continuous Roman policy is 
the participation of Cyzicus in the great games called Hadriana 
Olympia', inaugurated in 139' and comprising not only athletic 
but musical and poetic and dramatic contents, and attracting 
competitors from all parts of Asia. With these games are 
connected the Temple of Hadrian and probably the market- 
place paved by him in its neighbourhood. In virtue of this temple 
Cyzicus is admitted to the ranks of the Neocorate cities of Asia, 
their common imperial cultus and their common council. The 
Olympia were continued at least as late as Gallienus^ 

With the Neocorate cities Cyzicus takes her turn in the 
celebration of the Pan- Asiatic games, which are marked by the 
designation fcoivbv *A<ria^t ^nd were evidently celebrated on a 
more lavish scale than the ordinary Olympia. On these occasions 
also Cyzicus became the seat of the Council. My own opinion 
is also that the ''high priest of Asia in Cyzicus*" took in these 
years the style of Asiarch. 

^ 1. 19, cf. I. to. It is carious that both inscriptions are from Eski Manyas, 
where there is still a great yearly gathering. Can Poemanenum (with its Asdepius 
temple) have been a pre-imperial centre, Cyzicus as a free city not being available ? 

' For records of these and other Cyzicene games see index ''Games and 
Festivals" after iv. in the Caiaiogue of Inscriptions, 

• See Boeckh ad CLG. 3674. * Cf. /iw. Coll, Wadd. 715. » n. 4, 8. 


Much has been written on the question of the Asiarchate, its 
Asiarch and relation to the high priesthood of Asia and to the 
Arehiereus. Common Council, and much of the evidence used 
is so equivocal that it is used by all parties for their own 
purposes. Doctor Brandis\ so far from allowing the identity 
of the Asiarchate and high priesthood, considers that the 
Asiarchs had no religious duties, and were simply deputies of 
the various cities who took part in the Council. But the two 
offices have evidently much in common. Thus wealth is in- 
sisted on as a necessary qualification both for the asiarchate* 
and for the high priesthood ^ and as the asiarch in III. 22 and 
elsewhere exhibits gladiators, so does the high priest in C.LG. 
3942. Dio Chrysostom* evidently identifies the two ofHces. 
Modestinus* counts the Asiarchate among the national priest- 

The title of "highpriest of Asia, of the temple in Cyzicus" 
is again exactly paralleled by the expression *' asiarch of the 
temples in Ephesus ** which is against any theory depriving the 
asiarch of religious functions. 

The contentions (i) that more than one Asiarch might exist 
in the same city at the same time, and (2) that Asiarchs held 
civil magistracies contemporaneously*, are both met by the 
assumption that all who had been Asiarchs retained the 
honorary title, which, if we bear in mind the Asiatic love of 
titles, is an easy assumption'. The Cyzicene inscription III. 27 
shews that the wife of the Asiarch only retained her title of 
high priestess : she is of course, in Cyzicus, high priestess of 
Asia, if her husband is Asiarch. I suppose, then, that Asiarch 
was the older title, since Asiarchs had existed at the time of 
the Muciea, before the development of the imperial cult and 
the high priests of Asia : that one Asiarch was elected yearly : 

> In Paaly, Rtal'RmeycUphdU^ where all available evidence it collected. 

* Str. 649. ' Philoitr. Vii. Sophist, i. «i. 9. 

^ OraHo CtL XXX v. 66 R. ro^ ktt4jmm lf%9rrm,t tQ^ Uptm (mdpx^pt^t)* to^ 

* In Diiut xxvn. t, 6. 

* Cf. the list of Stratcgi, a coin in Imhoof, M,G^ 413 (i53)t *A«Uifx««S ««< r^ 
rarp^Aot (fc. 4^i«^Mf), and Ramsay Phry^. 690. 

' The fonnttla 'ka^x^t ft of course refers to an actual second term of office. 


that he was specially chosen for his wealth, which would enable 
him to fulfil his part with credit in the provision of games on 
a sumptuous scale : that, as high priest of the imperial cultus 
and organiser of the games and festival, he served for one year 
in whatever city was chosen for the meeting of the KOivov — 
very frequently, as Dr Brandis observes, a foreign city* : that 
after his term he retained the title and the honours pertaining : 
further, that in later times the distinction between the offices 
was not always strictly observed. 

* This again applies in many cases to the high-priest of Asia. 


Class I. Decrees and other Public Records. 

Class II. Official Lists. 

Class III. Honorary Inscriptions. 

Class IV. Votive and Religious Inscriptions. 

Class V. Sepulchral Inscriptions. 

Class VI. Miscellanea (landmarks, inscriptions from architecture, /r^/r 

from gymnasia, small objects, etc.). 
Supplement: Foreign Inscriptions relating to Cyzicus and Cyacenes. 
Indices of (i) Provenance, (2) Latin and bilingual inscriptions, (3) metrical 

inscriptions, (4) suggested new readings, (5) Cyzicene games and 

festivals, (6) foreign states and citizens, and (7) foreign games 

mentioned in Cyzicene inscriptions. 

Class I. Decrees and other Public Records. 

L Decree of Proxeny granted to Medices and the heirs of Aesepus, 
VL cent B.C: the original text (a) is written boustrophtdan and is 
followed by {fi) a copy of later date, headed /vi MoMivdpcov. Hermes 
XV. 92 (with bibliogr.), Michel 532, Dittenberger SylL 312, Roehl 
XVL 6, Cauer 48S, Bechtel 108. Cyzicus*. 

2» (a) Decree of Proxeny granted to a citizen of Panticapaeum (iv. cent ac.) 
and bearing the arms of that city (a head of Pan) in relief above the 
text Headed, 'E^cv r^ /3ovX} %Qi r^ d^^i^ 'A^vmot Jw^ormu 
yrmpifi Tmw,„itpx6wTmp. (d) The block has been used a second time 
to record an oracle of the Milesian Apollo (cf. /CUo v. 299). AIM, 
Mittk. VL 121 (i), B,CH, XIU. 515, pi. ix., BerL SiiMb, 1887, 122, 
pi. X., Goold 17, Teh, K. Sculp. 114 (Goold 17). Cyzicus. 

3. Fragment of similar decree granted to N N. Zopyri (?) and bearing the 
anns of Cyzicus. JM.S, XXiv. 38 (62). Yeni Keui*. 

> An asterisk after a reference to a publication indicates that the monument in 
question is there illustrated. 

* Now in the courtyard of the ^iXoXoTur^ Zii>Xar^ at Constantinople. 

* See Vignette : now in the possession of Mr A. £. Henderson. 


4. Similar decree, c. 390 B.C., with relief of a goat (the arms of Antandrus ?): 

headed, ^Edofcv rf ^If'^i 'Afyyadtis ivpvrav€Vfv, Atjftrfrpiog ^lowtrio 
ffirrcrrarri, Bc/uoTior KparvXo ^ypafifiartvtVy Auofftdvtfs Mifivovos rcirfv. 
Syllogos Jlapapr. rov tr' rcSfiov, 4, Michel 533, Num. Chron, 1899 ( I ). 
Has Keui. 

5. Decree thanking the Parians for conferring a crown on the nesiarch 

Apollodorus, early in. cent. B.C.: headed "Zto^w tjj fiovkfj koI rf 
H^fi^y ropy6viKos Aiqk\4ovs ctircv. C./.G. 3655, Louvre Inscrr. 97, 
Marb. 2859, Homolle, Arch. Int. 45, Michel 534, Wilhelm, Beitrage^ 
218. Cyzicus. 

6. Honorary decree of Rhodes in £sLvour of a Cyzicene embassy, 11. cent. 

B.C: headed *Eirl 'Apiorrdirdpov. C.I.G. 3656. Cyzicus. 

7. Proxeny decree (of Miletupolis)?) in favour of Machaon Asclepiadae 

for his services in the war against Andronicus (c. 130 ac.) : headed, 
'Edofei^ 1^ /SovX^ Koi r^ ^|u^y Berl. Sitsb. 1 889, 397 (2), A.-E. MittK 
XV. 6. Ulubad. 
See also Foreign Inscrr., Brusa. 

8. Honorary decree sanctioning the erection of a statue of Cleidice priestess 

of Placiane (l. cent, ac.) : headed, 'Evrl 'Hyijo-iov, ^AprffturtAvos 
rrr/xidi <^^ivovroff, tf^(€v rj povXj koi rf ^^f^y 'AcricXi^friodiyff Ato- 
d&pov AlyiKoptvf fiioTjs firi M€V€a64»9 tJirw *Ew€i ^Apiaravhpos 
<lnf<riv jc.r.X. C./.G. 3657, Michel 537. Artaki. 

9. Decree in two portions approving the picture and inscription prepared 

in honour of Cleidice and assigning a site for their erection: 
headed, cirl lltia:...pddi ^^vovror... o^iXov ciircy. AiA. Mitth. VII. 
152, 251, (a) Riv. Arch, N.S. xxxii. 269 (4), {b) Berl. Monaisb. 
i860, 494, Michel 538. Cyzicus. 

10. Honorary decree in favour of Demetrius Oeniadae, c. 25 ac., Ath. 

Mitth. IX. 28, B.P.W. 1892, 740, cf. J.H.S. xxiil. 89. Eski 
Manyas ^. 

11. Decree providing for settlement of accounts with one Theognetus 

(temp. J. Caesaris): headed, Mi^y^r Tavp€&po£ Tpirjj dwlovros, tw\ 
Iwirdpxt^ Bdafrmvos^ tldo(€v rots iroXtrair, A/^tXor 'AiroXX«*yiov tlirtv, 
CJ.G. 3658. Cyzicus. 

12. Decree in fovour of Antonia Tryphaena in return for her benefactions 

to the city (reign of Tiberius): headed, *Eirl novo-ai^un;, Idofcv r^ 
/SovXff xal r^ hy\p^..Av\ Arnufrpiov tlirtv. Syllogos VII. 23, cf. Vlll. 
164. Berl. Monatsb. 1874, 16 (3}, Ath. Mitth. vi. 55, B.C.H. vi. 
613, cf. "E^. Apx- 1890, 157, Wilhelm, Beitrage 197. Tcharik Keui«. 

13. Decree in honour of Tryphaena on the occasion of her visit to the city 

with her three sons (reign of Caligula) : headed, "Efrl Vatm) Kaio'apof 
Iwwdpx'^ fl^^ Oa^yyiyXft&voff $\ l8o(cy rf di^'/i^ flfnjyifaapdvtiv rwv 
dpxiiTmv wdvrmVj ypapjuntvs fiovkijs Atokas AZdXov O&m^ fUaiig cVl 

^ The lower half is now at A. Triada, Pandenna. 


Mripoi^vros ^Iwtw. BerL Monaisb. 1874, 16 (4), Syllogos locc dtt, 
PhiloL Obresnija 1895, 113, Dittenberger SylL<^ 365. Tcharik 

Keui 1. 

14. Decree of similar date regulating the new market of Tryphaena: 

headed, *Eiri 'Ecrruiun; rov Of/uirrMviucror Xitnapxtti^y AffpaiAvof i\ 

OtfutrrwaKTot fJir€v, Atk, AfittfL XVI. 141, R,E,G, VI. 8, cf. B,S.A, 
XII. 183, Dittenberger SylLt 366. Cyzicus*. 

For the works of Antonia Tryphaena, cf. also Inscrr. ill. 23, iv. 

15. Fragment of contemporary decree. J.H.S. XXiv. 25 (4). Ulubad. 

16. Decree (of Zeleia) regulating the administration of public lands after 

expulsion of tyrant (iv. cent B.C.) : headed, 'Edo(«v ry ^i»/f^ KX<mf 
/irff<rrdr«i, Tc/toicXiJff fifrfv. Atfu Mitth, VI. 229, Bechtel 1 1 3 (revised), 
Dittenberger SylL^ 1549 Michel 53a Sari Keui. 

17. Decree regulating saJe of exiles' property (similar date) : headed, 

*Edo(fir rf diy/A^. Atk. Mitth. IX. 58 (6). Sari Keui. 

18. Decrees of proxeny, similar date, headings as (16), in favour of {b) 

Nicon of Thurii, {c) Demophanes of Ephesus, (e) Oleander of Pro- 
connesus and others. Ath, Mitth. ix. 58, (i)— (sX Michel 531, 
Bechtel 114. Sari Keui. 

19. Honorary decree of the Council of Asia in favour of Herostratus Dor- 

calionis (42 B.C). Rev. Arch. N.S. XXXIV. 106 (3X Ath. Mitth. 
XV. 156, /.H,S. XVII. 276 (27X Syllogos napapr. row ic* rd/iov, 64—7. 
Eski Manyas. 

20. Senatus Consultum de Corpore Neon, c 150A.D. Rev. Arch. N.S. 

XXXI. 350, £ph. Ep. III. i$6, CJ.L. ill. 706a Cyzicus. 

21. Contract for building a tower (c. 350 B.C.), hipparchate of Euphemus 

Leodamantis. Rev. Arch. N.S. XXX. 93, Michel 596, Bechtel iii. 

22. Contract for building a wall, similar date. J.H.S. xxiv. 39 (63). 


23. Stele recording gifts of Philetaerus I. to Cyzicus arranged chrono* 

logically under hipparchs. J.H.S. XXII. 193 (3), see R.E.G. 1902, 
302 ff., Dittenberger Or. Gr. Inscrr. 748, Wilhelm, Beiirdge 322. 

24. Acceptance of a crown by CL Eumenes, hipparchate of CI. Eteoneus, 

B,CM. XIV. 537 (2), Klio V. 299. Cyzicus. 

25. Mutilated inscription relating to customs. Ath. Mitth. ix. 15. Enneni 


26. Fragment relating to tribal accounts*. Gedeon 16^ pL i. 5. Kouklia. 

27. Indeterminate fragment Ath, Mitth. xxix. 315. Kebsud. 

' Said to be near ArtJiki. 

* Now in the Imperial Mnseam, Constantinople. 


Class II. Catalogues. 

1. List of Prytaneis for Apaturion, hipparchate of Terentius Donatus and 

Vibius Amphictyon (reign of Hadrian ?). C.LG, 3661. Cyzicus. 

2. List of Callieis for Pyanepsion (first Neocorate). CJ.G, 3662. Cyzicus. 

3. List of Prytaneis for Calamaeon and Callieis for Panemus (first Neo- 

corate). CJ.G, 3663. Cyzicus. 

4. List of Prytaneis for Thargelion, sixth hipparchate of Chaereas (first 

Neocorate). Ath, Mitth. vi. 42 (1). Cyzicus. 

5. Lists of Prytaneis : (<i) for Calamaeon, seventh hipparchate of Chaereas : 

{b) for Artemision (Callieis for Taureon), hipparchate of Claudia 
Bassa, {c) remains of a list of late republican date. Ath, Mitth, 
VI. 43 (2), Perrot I. 87 (49). Cyzicus. 

6. List without heading. Ath, Mitth, xiil. 304. Cyzicus. 

7. Three fragments of similar list. Perrot I. 87 — 8 (50 — 2). Cyzicus. 

8. List of Prytaneis for Poseideon, eleventh hipparchate of Chaereas (first 

Neocorate). Ath. Mitth, xxvi. 121. Yeni Keui. 

9. List of Prytaneis for Poseideon, Lenaeon, Anthesterion. CJ,G, 3664. 


10. List (of Prytaneis?), imperial period. J.H.S. XXii. 204 (13). Cyzicus. 

11. Similar list. B.C.H. Xiv. 538 (3). Cyzicus. 

12. Similar, used later for illiterate sepulchral inscr. J,H.S, xxiv. 34 (52). 

12 A. List of names (all Greek). CJ. (?. 685 1 . Cyzicus ^ ? 

13. Worn stele with list of Greek date, hipparchate of Cyano (?). J.//,S. 

XXII. 207. Cyzicus. 

14. Worn and broken triangular stele with remains of a list by tribes. 

J,H,S. XXII. 207. Cyzicus. 

15. Fragment of a list of names*. Gerlach p. 44. Panderma. 

16. Fragmentary list of names, imperial date. Ath. Mitth, ix. 16 (2). 


17. List of Ephebi by tribes, hipparchate of Aur. lulia Menelais'. CJ,G. 

3665. Cyzicus. 

18. Heading of a list of honorary citizens, hipparchate of lulius Maior. 

J.H.S. xxiii. 83 (30). Aidinjik. 

19. List of Colacretae headed by Gymnasiarch, Ephebarch and Hypephe- 

barch (pre-imperial ?). C.LG. 366a Cyzicus. 

20. List of Hieromnemones, headed by archon Hermodorus (iv. cent B.C ?). 

B.C.H. XIV. 525. I. Cyzicus. 

^ Strangford ColL Unknown provenance, but many of the names are characteristic 
of Cyzicus. 

s ^umfc(Zt»pot I tkWKMn Mere... | 'XtitfrU Xi6ro[f | *A[v]oXXo0dn^t | ^.Jiit.'fyrpwt 
Ai... I •A(7a)[fla^0f. 

> Daughter of Menelaus the Asiarch, strategus under Alex. Sevems. 


21. List of oflScials dated probably by hipparchs. B.CH, XVII. 530(30). 

Sari Keui. 

22. List of strategic?) including the name of G. lulius Ariobanancs. 

Ath. Mittk, IX. 58 (2). Klio V. 293 ff.. cf. J,HS. xxvii. 67 (U'J). 


23. Fragmentary inscription (heading of a list ?). CJ.G* 3666. Artaki. 

24. List of priests of the Imperial cultus. Gedeon 90, J.H.S, XX vi. 29 f., 


25. List of names*. Gedeon 90. Marmara. 

26. Fragment of list (11. cent. B.C?). J M.S. xxvi. 25 (2). Alexa. 

Class III. Honorary. 

A. Imperial. 

1. Dedication of triumphal arch by Roman residents and Cyzicenes to 

Augustus, Tiberius and Claudius, A.D. 51. Rru, Arch, N,S. xxxi. 
100, EpA, Epig. IV. 53, C./.X. III. 7061. Cyzicus. 

2. Dedication of a sutue of Domitian by the archons A.D. 84. Le Bas 

1069, BerL Sitib, 1889, 365 (i). Aboulliond. 
a Dedication to Hadrian, Olympian, Saviour and Founder. Syllogos vii. 

173 (?)• Cyzicus. 
4. Similar. Rev. Arch. JV.S. xxxil. 269 (3). Cyricus, 
6. Similar (on small column). A/h. Mi fth. ix. 20 {12). Artaki. 

6. Similar. Perrot l. 98 (59). Mihallitch. 

7. Similar. Ath. Mitth. XX ix. 309, Mendel 402. Melde. 

a Similar (small base). J.H.S. xvii. 270 ( 1 1 ). Aboulliond. 

9. Similar. /.^.5. xxiv. 26 (18), ^M. il/i/M. xxix. 310(3). Aboulliond. 

10. (Latin) dedication to Hadrian, Olympian, Founder of the Colony. 

Ann. dilV Inst. 1842, 1 51, Le Bas 1750, C.I.L. ill. 374. Karabogha. 

11. Similar. B.C.H, xvii. 549 (*«« C.!.L. III. 374). Karabogha. 

12. Dedication to Antoninus. Hamilton 329, Le Bas 1765, R.E.G. lii. 68. 


13. Dedication to Antoninus, Dionysus, and Mystae*. Gedeon 101, pi. ii. 

II. Prasteia 

14. Dedication of Cyzicenes and Roman residents to Tiberius (?)'. Aih. 

Mitth. IX. 20 (11). Ermeni Keui. 
19. Dedication of a statue of Augustus by Aristander Eumenis. Ath. 
Mitth. IX. 19 (9), Klio V. 30a Cyzicus. 

> Ko^XiM r«tM. Ko^XiOf Zww^pmf^ Zwrvpot %Mm^pm^ Ai^Muoff Aifra/ov IlorXiov, 
tam^ivt K9ini^9% Tqm^v ZoOXm coi vUl miroO ^tcy4p9vt r^$ B^r^ov...v<6t. 

tMmC9f0 ff(al) MV#T«2[t | Ti. KXcU^aiOf *Po0^t | ip40iiK9. 

• Lolling curiously restores d»tf^irc> rj wiiKa 'Pw^u* for ol *> rj rdXc(*P^puu[e(. 


16. Dedication of the city of Argiza to Valentinian. Berl, Sitzb, 1894, 

904. CJ.L, III. 7084. Balia Bazar. 
Sec also C.I.A, iv. 77 (dedication of Cyzicenes to Hadrian at Athens) : 
and a statue of Hadrian from Cyzicus {Teh, K. Sculp, 46 (Goold 
i)^Ga2. Arch. ix. 1884, 207, pi. 28 = Bernoulli Icon. Rom. 11. 
no (2o) = Reinach, Repertoire 5805, cf. 579$). 

B. Various. 

17. Achilles (C. lulius), flute-player of Magnesia, victorious at Cyzicene 

Olympia, etc. Ath, Mitth. vii. 255 (26). Cyzicus. 

18. Aphasius (Aur.) honoured by the city of Pericharaxis. B.CH. xviii. 

541, Ath. Mitth, XX. 236, A,'E. Mitth. xviii. 228. Balia Maden. 
18t. Apollodorus Apollodori^ B.C.H, xvii. 548 (43). Stengel Keui. 

19. Artemidorus Artemidori (grammateus). Ath. Mitth. xxix. 305 (cf. 

J.H.S. XXV. 58), Arch. Am. 1905, 56, Mendel 2. Kavak Keui. 

20. Artemo Philetoris. B.C.H. xiv. 539 (4). Cyzicus. 

20t. Asclepiades? (T. Flavius). J.H.S. xxvii. 64 (6). Meldc. 

20 a. Asclepiades Melidori: relief of sacrifice to Zeus dedicated by a 

thiasus in honour of A.^ Conze Lesbos 62, pi. xviii.^ B.C.H. XXIII. 

592 (bibliography). " Nicaea." 

21. Caecina (A. Claudius, Pausanias), statue of, dedicated by Metrodoms'. 

C.I.G. 3680, Hamilton 316, Ath. Mitth. ix. 19. Cyzicus. 
21t. Comutus*. J.H.S. xvii. 268 (i), B.S.A. xiil. 299. Tachtali. 

22. Corns (M. Aurelius), boy-athlete of Thyatira, victor at Cyzicene Olym- 

pia. C.I.G. 3674. Cyzicus. 

23. Cotys (?) (S. lulius). Ath. Mitth. vi. 40, see J.H.S. xxii. 131, xxiii. 

97, B.S.A. XII. 177. Cyzicus. 
Cretheus Hestiaei, see v. 85. 

24. Cydicles (T. Marcius), dedicator of a statue of his (anonymous) unde. 

Teh, K. Sculp. 85. Cyzicus. 
Cyzicus, see vi. 13. 

25. Doedalses (athlete victorious at Pergamon) : stele, with metrical inscr., 

dedicated to Zeus in his honour. Ath. Mitth. Xiv. 249 (19). Ker* 

26. Euneos (Ti. Claudius)* Ath. Mitth. vii. 254 (24). Yeni Keui. 

27. Gratus (Plotius Aurelius, AsiarchX dedication of gladiators*. CJ.G. 

3677. Cyzicus. 

^ Engraved on a stele apparently representing a sacrifice of an ox to Cybde, 
cf. III. 30 A, 31, 38 A. 

* This stele and iii. 38 A, both now in Athens (von Sybel 571 and 570), are closely 
connected by their reliefs with the Cyzicene series and by their formalae with ill. 51 
(Triglia) : cf. Mordtmann in Ath. Mitth. x. 305. 

* See Foreign Inscrr. (//mii ), and list of strategi. ^ Cf. below in. 35. 

* See list of stzategi. * Gladiators are also mentioned in v. 133. 


28. Hippias Asclepiadae. Hamilton 318, Le Bas 1761, Rev, Arch, N.S. 

XXXiv. 107 (4). Eski Manyas. 
Homer, see vi. 14. 

29. Lysagoras Simi. J.N.S. XXII. 201 (5). Cyzicus. 

30. Magnilla Magni, philosopher ■. /.//.5. xvil. 269 (6). AbouUiond. 
ZOf. Magnus (Cn. Pompeius). J.H.S, xxvii. 64 (6). Melde. 

31. Maximus of Apamea* poet, winner at the Olympia, statue inscr. in 

elegiacs. CJ,G. 3672, Hamilton 313, Kaibel 881. Aidinjik. 

32. Medeus Myrmecis ; relief of Zeus dedicated in his honour by a thiasus. 

B.CH. XVII. 345 (32), XXili. 595 (2). Triglia. 

33. Meleager Alcimachi. Atk, Miiih. XXix. 299. Eski Manyas. 

34. Metrodorus (Aur.) of Cyzicus, pentathlete. CJ.G. 3676. Cyzicus. 

30. Nestor, poet* : metrical inscr. from statue set up by Comutus' in the 

precinct of Kore. CJ,G, 3671, Kaibel S82. Cyzicus. 
38. Paulinus (Lucilius), limenarch. Ath, Mitih, ix. 18 (6). Panderma. 
Pausanias, see Caecina HI. 31. 

37. Pistus (qui et Gaius) pancratiast of Cyme, victor in Asiatic games. 

C.LG, 3675. Cyzicus. 
Pompeius, see 11 1. 30 1. 

38. Secundus (C. Aelius), rhetor. /.//.5. xvii. 269. 5. AbouUiond. 

38 a* Stratonice Menedis: stele with relief of Cybele and Apollo set up 
in her honour by a thiasus^ Conze Lesbos 61, pi. xix., B,CH, 
XXiii. 592. " Nicaea." 

38. (Timosthenes (T. Flavius): base of statue erected by, in honour of 
anonymous person.) Le Bas 107a AbouUiond. 

40. Trophimus, victor in the Asclepiea. J.H.S. xxiii. 77 (8). Cyzicus. 

4L Vettianus Vettii, xystarch of Miletupolis. CLG. 3673. Cyzicus. 

42. Conclusion of sutue inscr. in honour of a mystarch. CJ,G, 3678, 

Hamilton 306, Ath. Mitth. ix. 19 (10), /.7/.5. xvii. 275 (25). 

43. Relief of wrestlers inscribed Ai^r apifryi (sic), Le Bas 1764 ^, Perrot I. 

102 (65). Kermasti. 

44. Fragment of agonistic inscription ^ J,N,S, xxil. 201 (4). Cyzicus. 
48. Similar. Le Bas 1071. AbouUiond. 

48u Similar. Gedeon pi. iv. 23*. Marmara I. 

47. Heading of honorary inscription. Ath. Mitth, XXIX. 27$. J,H,S, xxv. 

61 (25). Gunen. 

48. Inscription from statue of philosopher^ Rev. Arch, N,S, xxxiv. 

108 {j\JM,S, XXIV. 27, cf. Aih, Miiih, XXiX. 299. Eski Manyas. 

* Cf. III. 48 and V. 175 f. 

* Laryatidensis? so Knibel. * Cf. above III. si f. 

^ The stone is now in Athens (von Sybel 570), cf. above ill. «o A. 31. The name 
occon on v. 95 (Gunen). 

» Mr^>r«v(ra a)oX4(xH *B^<^. * KmMvJ^ Kf^«X[X^d ?«. 

7 Cf. above ill. 30 and Mendel 73. 


49. Fragment of honorary inscription. y.//15. xvii. 272 (12). Ulubad. 

50. Fragment of inscribed statue-base. y,//.S, xxiii. 76 (6). Yeni Keui. 

51. Honorary inscr. of an officer of Corbulo. JM.S. xxvil. 64 (7). Ker- 

62. Fragmentary honorary inscription. J,H,S, xxvii. 63 (4). Alpat KeuL 
53. Base with wreath and worn inscription. J,H,S, xxvii. 65 (9). Yeni 

See also for other inscriptions of an honorary character the decrees 

1. I — 10, r3, 18, 19, 24, and v. 20 a, and the Supplement of Foreign 

Victors in the games are also mentioned in v. 17, 87, 93, 188. Reliefs 

of charioteers from Cyzicus Teh, K, Sculp, I35 = ^.C//. xviii. 

493*, Arch, Am, 1905, 65 =» Mendel i. 

Class IV. Votive and Religious. 

(a) Kore and Demeter. 

{b) Cybele. 

{c) Zeus, Asklepios, Serapis. 

{d) Apollo and Artemis. 

{e) Dionysus^ Poseidon, Aphrodite. 

(/) Athena, Hermes, Pan, Heracles, etc. 

(Imperial dedications are classed as honorary in Class ill.) 

(^i) Kore and Demeter. 

See inscr. iii. 29 (temenos of Kore): i. 9 (Priestess of Kore and 
Demeter) : iv. 84 (Priest of Kore) : i. 24, iv. 65 (of K. Soteira) : i. 24 
(Great Mysteries of K. Soteira) : iv. 81 (Aecnroyai?) : vi. 24 (ecac) : 
VI. 28 ft (epigram from altar): B.S.A, viii. 193, pi. v. (Statue of 
Kore?): Inscr. i. 3 (relief of head of Kore): Teh, K, Sculp, 131 
(relief of Demeter in serpent chariot). 

{p) Cybele. 

1. Stele dedicated to Dyndymene (xrV) and Zeus in the hipparchate of 

Hestiaeus. B,C,H, xii. 187 (i). Artaki. 
% Dedication to Kotyana. B,C,H, xvii. 520 (33). Aidinjik. 

3. Dedication of Soterides to Ko[tyana?] in the hipparchate of Bulides. 

CLG, 3668, Louvre Mart, 2850, Dittenbcrger Syll,^ 348. A.-E. 
Mitth, XX. 74^ Cyzicus. 

4. Dedication to Tolupiane by the dioecetes and corporation of a village- 

district in the hipparchate of Aristagoras. Ath, Mitth, x. 203 (29). 
Teh, K. Sculp} 1 17. Debleki. 

^ The relief is figured in Clarac 314, pi. 156, Darembeig s. v. Arbn, 
* Above p. 317, fig. 19. 


5. Dedication to Andiris with relief of A. and Hermes Cadmilus^ J,H.S, 

XXII. 190(1)*. Cyzicus. 

6. Fragment of stele inscribed to ?Andt]rene« JM,S, xxv. 60 (20). 

Boghaz Keui. 

7. Stele with relief of Cybele and fragmentary inscription. J MS, xxiil. 

86 (28). Aidinjik. 
See further: Inscrr. i. 8, 9 (Placiane), iii. 32 A, 38 a, iv. 70 (reliefs of 
Cybele and Apollo): uninscribed reliefs (i) of Cybele {Rev. Arch, 
XVII. 1891, 12 (5), (6), cf. BM. Sculp. I. 782): (2) of Cybele, Zeus, 
Hermes and Curetes, Ath. Mitth. xvi. 191* B.C.H. xxill. 592 (6) 
and pL viL For Attis Monuments see below, p. 278. 

{c) Zeus, Asxlepios, Serapis, etc 

ft. Dedication of Oucilii to Z. Crampsenus. Ath. Mitth, xiv. 90, B.C.H. 
xviii. 541, BerL Sitxb. 1894, 902, see J.H.S. xxi, 293 (73) note. 
Balia Maden. 
9. Similar of Theudamus Gallionis. J.H.S. xx\. ik)^ {7^). Balia Maden. 
10. Dedication of Pauseros to Z. Hypsistos. Le Bas 1067. AbouUiond. 
IL Dedication of Sogenes? to Z. Hypsistos. J M.S. XXii. 207 (14).. 

12. Stele with two reliefs dedicated by Syntrophus to Z. Hypsistos Bron- 

uios. Le Bas 1099 {Mon. Fig. 133*) p. 11$, Rtv. PhiL 1. 38, Ath. 
Math, IV. 21, Teh, K. Sculp. 126. MihaUitch. 
12t. Dedication of the sons of Protomachus to Z. Brontaios. /.//US'. 
XXVII. 66 ( 1 2). Tchakyrdja. 

13. Stele with reliefs of (tf) Zeus, Artemis, amd Apollo, (b) religious banquet, 

dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos and the x^pot. B.CJf. XI II. 592, pL v.. 
Rev. Arch, HIS. xvii. lo^ B.C.H. xvii. 193, B. M. Sculp, i. 817, 
Ath. Mitth, XXX. 444—^ cf- Ziebarth, Gr. Veniniw.^ 66. Pan- 

14. Dedication of Pescennius Onesimus to the ^t^ v^irroc. C,I,G, 3669. 

Ul Small relief of an ox dedicated to B*^ vV^i^toc*. B.CM, xvii. 523 (7}. 

15t. Dedication to 'the god' €mr Iwtraytip. Ath, Mitth, XXX. 412. 

16w Relief of eagle dedicated to 096t C^n^oc'. /,//.S. xvii. 270 (10). 


I Id L 9 I Uy/uld prefer irvip T^t^mt (or y^^mi) for Ik^T^^M, in 1. 1 perhaps r^ 
fo^p^«9, the dedicator's name having bees kMt with the lower part of the %ui€, 

* Monro revioret rift #r{ov *i/\x^» bat (he eagle Ktrely detenninet the dedicatum. 
PoMibly ...«v varrin fan enUr/ftderer? cf. Kamtay Pkryg. i. i, 41 ) i«(^ ^f^^^rr^ 


16t. Stele dedicated by Evodion to Z. Olbios- B.CH. xxxil. 520, pll. v., vi. 

17. Altar dedicated to Zeus Olbios. /.//,S. xxv. 56 (64). Nr. Gunen^ 

18. Dedication of Q. Longinus to Bt6t SXfiios. /M.S. xxv. 56 (2). Nr. 


19. Similar of Heraclides. J.H,S. xxv. 56 (i). Nr. Gunen. 

20. Altar dedicated to Bthi SX^ior. J.H,S. xxv. 57 (6). Nr. Gunen. 

21. Relief of Zeus dedicated by sons of Attalus. J.H,S. xxv. 56 (5). Nr. 


22. Dedication of Theseus to Z. Megas. B.CH. xvii. 548 (40). Dimetoka. 

23. Relief dedicated by the Thracian village to Zeus Chalazios Sozon in 

the hipparchate of Dionysius. J.H,S. xxiv. 21 (4), cf. xxvi. 29. 
Mahmun Keui (?). 

24. Dedication of Heracleote sailors to Z. Orneos'. Gedeon, pi. iv. 30. 


25. Altar of Z. Soter. Ath. Afitth. xxix. 28a Ilidja. 

26. Dedication of ...nes Midiae to Z. Soter and Heracles. Ath. Mitth, 

XXIX. 301. Omar Keui. 

27. Relief of Zeus dedicated by Onesimus. J.H.S. xxili. 80 (19). Pan- 


28. Stele with relief of Zeus dedicated in the hipparchate of Drusus Caesar. 

J,H,S, XXIV. 28 (28), cf. xxv. 6a Hodja Bunar. 

29. Similar stele dedicated by Varius Phrixus PoUio. J.H.S. xxvi. 28 (6). 


30. Stele with relief of Zeus and inscription recording the contributions of 

a religious society. Ath, Miith, ix. 58 (3), Rev, Arch, IIL s. xvii. 2, 
B,M, Sculp, III, 21 51. Sari Keui. 
See also Inscr. iv. i (Zeus and Dyndymene), note on Cybele (Zeus, 
Cybele, Hermes), reliefs of nos. in. 20 A, 25, 32, 43, and below iv. 

31, 83- 

31. Dedication by Aelius Aristides of a statue of Hera in the temple of 

Zeus. Ath, Mitth, xxix. 280. Balukiser. 

32. Fragment of relief dedicated to Asklepios. J,H,S. xxill. 79 (14). 


33. Dedication of Primigenes to Asklepios. Ath, Mitth, xxiX. 273. Balia 

See also I. 10 (Temple of A. and ApolloX iii. 40 {p^yaka 'Ao-xXi^iricui) 
and Goold 87 (statue of Hygieia in Tchinily Kiosk). 

34. Dedication of therapeutae to Serapis and I sis. Rev, Arch, N,S, xxxvii. 

237. Cyzicus. 

35. Similar (the names missing). Syllogos vii. 173 (6). Ermeni Keui. 

36. Hymn to Serapis and Isis. Rev, Arch, xxxii. 271 (5). Cyzicus. 

^ i.e. Kayak? so probably Nos. 18 — si. 

* Ai(t) *0ptf4<fi fdxa|fM0ToOA(CF ralDrai *BpaK\[t\iara[i, 


37. Dedication of Lygdamis to I sis. Atk, Afitth, ix. 18 (5). Cyxicus. 
38w Dedication of ApoUodonis to I. Karpophoros. B.CM. xii. 194 (4). 

Hammamli M. 
See also relief (v. 214) and terracotta published in Rn». Arch. A\S. 

XXXVII. 257, Goold 13 s TcA: A^ Sm/p. 71 (bust of Z. Serapis from 


(ii) Apollo and Artemis. 

39. Dedication of Asclepias to Apollo. A/A. AfiM, i\. iZ (4). Cyzicus. 
39 A. Relief of horseman, tree, and snake dedicated by Aur. Domitius to 

Apollo. A/A. Afi//A, X. 209 (34). Cyxicus (?)». 

40. Relief representing a naval battle* dedicated to Apollo (?)' Kaseos 

in the hipparchate of Demetrius Lysiclisl B.C.//, xil. 188 (2). 
4L Relief dedicated by Andromachus to A. Krateanos. ArcA. Zei/. 1875, 
162 (5X A.'E. Mi//A. XIX. 59, Rn*. PAH. 1898, 164 (4). /^^E.G. 1906. 
505 (e). Nr. Manyas. 

42. Do., dedicated by Apollodorus. ArcA. Zei/. I.e. (3). A.-E. Mi//A. Ic, 

Riv. PAiL 1.C 163 (3), R.E.G. I.e. (c). Nr. Manyas. 

43. Da, dedicated by Glaucias. ArcA. Zei/. I.e. (6), A.*E. Mi//A. l.c., Rev. 

PAiL l.c. (6), R.E.G. Lc. (d), A/A. Mi//A. xxx. 329r Nr. Manyas. 

44. Da, dedicated by Menophilus Aulozelmeos. ArcA. Zeit. lc. (4), A.^E. 

Ati//A. I.e., Benndorf Lykien 154* Rev. PAiL l.c. (6), R.E.G. l.c. (d). 
Nr. Manyas. 

45. Da, dedicated by Metrophanes. ArcA. ZeiL l.c. (1), A.-E. Mi//A. l.c., 

Rev. PAiL l.c (i), R.E.G. Lc. (a). Nr. Manyas. 
40. Da, dedicated by Theagenes. ArcA. ZeiL l.c. (2), A.-E. Mi/iA. l.c.» 
Rev. PAiL Lc. (2), R.E.G. l.c. 304 (b). Nr. Manyas. 

47. Similar dedicated by Meander. BuiL Soc. AnL 1873, 55, BulL des 

Ami, 1893, 184^ Louvre Mearb. 2864. Nr. Manyas. 

48. Da, dedicated by Menodotus. BuiL Soc. An/. l.c, Bu/L des AnL I.e., 

Louvre Mart. 286$. Nr. Manyas. 

49. Dedication of Apollodorus to A. Krateanos. *Atfi|ya vi. 470^ B.C.//. 

XVII. 521 (2), Rev. PAiL 1898, 164 (9). Panderma. 
00. Da, of Medeus and Diodorus. Syltof^os viil 172, J.//.S. xxill. 87 
(39), R.E.G. 1906, 305 (g). Cyiicus*. 

51. Relief dedicated to Apollo Mekastenot. J.//.S. xxiv. 20 (1). Cyzicus*. 

52. Relief dedicated by Asclepiodotut to A. Tadokomites. Rev. ArcA. 

/I/S. xviM. 10 (3), B.M. Sculp. I. 777' Cyzicus, 

^ The proTcnancc it doubtful, cf. note on v. 9 a. 

* Relief resembles Le BasReinach Mm. Fig. pt. I31. * Sec above p. ij)- 

* For fonnttia of inscr. cf. Le Bas, 1 766. 

* Nos. 50 and 51 were brought by Dr Long from Cjrzicui (Panderma?) and are 
now in the Mnaeita of Robert College. 

H. id 


53. Relief dedicated by Heliodorus to Apollo. J,HS. xxv. 6x (i). Pan- 


54. Relief of sacrifice to Apollo with fragmentary inscr. J,H.S, xxv. 58 

(13). Susurlu. 

55. Dedication of Timotheus to Helios ^ Gedeon pi. iii. 20. Marmara. 

56. Relief of Helios. /,//.S. xxv. 56 (3). Nr. Gunen. 

See also AtA. Mitth, xxix. p. 291, fig. 24* (Colossal head of Helios 
at Panderma) and Inscr. i. 13 (Gains Caesar the new Helios). 

56t. Relief of sacrifice to Apollo dedicated by Timochares. B,C,H, xvii. 
548 (42). Bighashehr. 

56 A. Stele with relief of sacrifice to Apollo dedicated by Menophanes to 
Apollo and Artemis. Teh, K, Sculp, 131 [189]. (Unknown ^) 

57. Stele with relief of sacrifice to Apollo and Artemis dedicated by 

twelve persons. The (round) pediment is occupied by a ' religious 
banquet ' scene. C.LG, 3699, Syllogos vii. 171 (5). Aih. Mitth. ix. 
25 (26). Panderma. 

58. Dedication to Artemis by Glycon. Ath, Mitth, x. 209 (31). Enneni 


59. Dedication of relief of Artemis and Apollo to Artemis Pediane. J,H.S. 

. XXIV. 34 (5 1 ). Pcramo. 

60. Dedication to Artemis Sebaste Baiiane (lulia Titi?) of temple and 

baths' by an imperial freedman. C.LG, 3195^. Boyuk Tepe Keui. 

61. Dedication to ^ca ^wn^^t, CJ.G. 3167, Ath. Mitth, ix. 63 (8). 

Porto Paleo. 

62. Relief of Hecate dedicated by Asdepas. JM,S. xxiii. 86 (38). Sari 


63. Dedication of 'the ears(?) and the altar' to Artemis(?). J,H.S. xvii. 

270 (8), B,C,H. xxv. 326 (4). Aboulliond. 

See also Inscrr. ill. 38 a, iv. 70 (reliefs of Apollo and Cybele), iv. 74 
(Hermes and Apollo), i. xo (temple of Asklepios and Apollo), iv. 13 
(Artemis and Apollo with Zeus), i. 8, 9 (Artemis Munychia), i. 2, 
cf. Foreign inscrr. Miletus (Cyzicus and Milesian Apollo), vi. 38 
(Artemis Ephesia), and J.H,S, xxill. 88* (relief of Apollo Citha- 
roedus), Perrot 11. pi. iv. ^Louvre Mart. 2849 (clo» of Artemis 
Hecate), B.C.H. xvii. 548 (43)> (do. of sacrifice to Artemis and 
Apollo?), Rev. Arch. iii. s. xxv. 282—4, pU- xvii. xviii. (Artemis 
head at Dresden). 

* Probably from the Cyzicene area, ci.JM.S. xxiii. 87. My copy reads 0co^4Fift 
aeoa... I Utffod^fpw tvkp iavr&P koI rOif (rUHvw \ 'Ar^XXcuri UpOKhrji iroi 'Aprifudi 

< For the connection cf. Artemb Thennaia of Gunen. 


{e) Dionysus, Poseidon, Aphrodite, etc 

64. Stele with relief of sacrifice dedicated by Demetrius to Dionysus 

Attudenus. Le Bas iioo^ Mon. Fig, p. 113, pi. 133, Tck, K, Sculp, 
119, cf. Perrot i. 101. Mihallitch. 
64f. Dedication of Aur. Sophronius to ^c^ «in|icooff Aidrvaoof Kc/3p^yioc. 
J.HS, xxvii. 65 (8). Yalichiftlik. 

65. Dedication to Dionysus by priest of Kore. Ath, Mitth, ix. 17 (3). 


66. Dedication to Dionysus. J.H.S, xxv. 57 (7). Nr. Gunen. 

See also Inscrr. ill. 13 (dedication to Antoninus, Dionysus, and Mystae), 
IV. 85 (B«b(x<H Kvyo<n»vp€crat), V. 1 5 (Bpo/uov /iv<rn|r) : and the 
Cyzicene monuments, Teh. K. Sculp, 130 (Bacchic frieze)', Reinach 
Riperi<nr€ I. 117 (5) (Colossal head of Dionysus), 141 (2) (do. of 
Satyr), ll. 471 (Jakobsen head of Attis), Mendel 8 (torso of Attis). 

67. Dedication of altar to Poseidon. Syllogos vii. 171 (i), J,H,S, xxvi. 

28. Hadji Pagon (?). 

68. Dedication of Bacchius to Poseidon Asphaleius. R,E,G. vii. 45, B,C,H, 

xvii. 453 (2), Dittenberger SylLx 543. Cyzicus. 

69. Dedication of base (and sutue) by Antonia Tryphaena to Poseidon 

4sthmius, (a) prose, and {b) verse. J,H,S, xxii. 126^ xxiii. 91. 

70. Dedication of stele (with reliefs of Cybele and Apollo) to Poseidon and 

Aphrodite Pontia by a merchants' guild in the hipparchate of 
Menestheus. Atk, Mittk. x. 204 (30). Cyzicus. 
7L Fragmentary inscr. mentioning temple of Aphrodite. Atk, Miitk. vii. 
25$ (27), Syllogos UapApr. rov ly n{|«ov, 1 8. Mihaniona. 

See also Foreign Inscrr., Delphi (l.), (P. Asphaleius); and Reinach 
R^pertotn 3a ^^BM, Sculp, ill. 1538 (statue of Poseidon?). 

Inscr. II. 3 (priest of Aphrodite), I. 13 (Aphrodite Drusilla); and Rei- 
nach, U, 3. 1036 (Statue of Aphrodite), Monatsb. f, Kunsiwiss, i. 
pL i. (Bronze statuette of A.). 

(/) Athena, Hsrmxs, Pan, Heracles, etc. 

72. Alur inscribed *A^raff. Perrot I. 102 (64). Kermasti. 

See also Inscr. 1. 12 (Athena Polias Nikephoros, Panathenaea), cf. vi. 13. 

73. Dedication of Persicrates Hegesagorae to Hermes'. Gedeon, 36, pi. i. 

6. Pasha Liman. 

74. Dedication of Asdepiodorus to Hermes and Apolla C.LG. 3568. 

79. Stele of Hermes *EXco«'»X7r. ^.C.//: xvil. 528 (21). ArtakL 

See also Inscr. in. 19 (Hermes dedicated at Miletupolis), iv. $ (Relief 

of Hermes and Andiris), note on Cybele (Hermes, Cybele, and 

Zeus) and vi. 37. 
For Pan, see Inscr. i. 2, and cf. i. 4. 

* SceaUo/tfArA. 1888, 196, pi. IX. j^akruA. 1910,1 54 (Groap of Satyr and Nymph). 


76. Dedication of relief to Heracles by strategi and phylarchs in the hip- 

parchate of Phoenix. Ath. Mitth. x. 200 (28), R.E.G. vi. 13, Teh. 
K. Sculp, 125, Michel 1224, /./^.5". XXII. 199, cf. XXI. 201. Cyzicus. 
See also B.S.A. viii. 190, pi. iv. (archaic relief), Arch. Zeit iSsr, 306, 
pi. xxvii (Vase). 

77. Dedication of Asclas to river Enbeilus. C.LG. 3699. Pandemia. 

78. Similar of Herennius Priscus. J.H.S. XXV. 60 (22). Alexa. 

79. Dedication of Olympus to the Hero. Scvo^vi?^ i. 327 (2), B.C.H. 

XXIV. 874 (14). Kalolimno. 

80. Dedication to ... Hellenia. CJ.G, 367a Cyzicus. 

81. Fragment of marble patera with votive inscription dfo-irdvi/o-iv. Chandler 

XI. 15, C.I.G, 3695, Roehl 501. Cjrzicus. 

82. Votive relief dedicated by Demochares^ (?) in the hipparchate of 

Eumenes Aristandri. CJ.G. 3695 {b\ Klio v. 301. Gunen. 

83. Stele dedicated by Apollonius Deiaptianos (?)* kot' cViTay^v. Louvre 

Mart. 2851 {Inscrr. 11), BulL Arch, de PAth. Fr. 1855, 60 (5). 
8i. Dedication of statue of Homonoia by Fl. Aristagoras priest of Kore. 
Ath. Mitth. VI. 130(15). Aidinjik. 

85. Dedication of cancelii hy Auxanon rpawtCirfft rrjt troktmc. C./.G. 3679, 

Bert. Monatsb. 1874, 2 (i). Cyzicus. 

86. Votive inscription of S. Fulvius Atticus BtoU. Ath. Mitth. ix. 19 (7). 


87. Dedication of Artcmus. J.H.S. xxiv. 25 (13). Ulubad. 

88. Relief dedicated by a religious society in the hipparchate of L. Vettius 

Rufus. B.C.H. XII. 195 (5). Hammamli M. 

89. Relief of religious banquet dedicated by a thiasus. J.H.S. XXiv. 36 

(57). Yenije K. D. 
For Religious Societies see also Inscrr. iv. 85 {^oKyot. Kvroirovpcirm), 
IV* 35» 36 (^cpaircvrac), III. 20A, 32, 38 A (^tacTftrai), V. 192 {pvp.- 
fivareu). III. 1 3, etc. (/ivcrrcu), V. 15 (Bpofu'ov fivtmfs): cf. also II. 1 5, 
IV. 13, 30, 88, 89. 

90. Fragmentary dedication. Gedeon pi. ii. 19. Marmara I. 

9L Fragmentary inscr. relating to priests and sales. B.C.H. xvii. 526 (20). 

92. Worn inscr. of 35 lines perhaps relating to a cure at the local thermae. 

Bert. Sitzb. 1894, 919. Ilidja. 

93. Fragment mentioning ainikov. Stvofpdvrftj i. 329 (10). Kalolimno. 
Altar possibly votive, see v. 78. 

^ For the (restored) name cf. Inscr. in. 17. The stele was probably dedicated to 
Apollo and Artemis. 

* The name of Zeus and an epithet are probably disguised in this extraordinary 


Class V. Sepulchral*. 

(a) Pagan. 

1. Abascantus. J.H.S, xxiv. 31 (36). Langada. 

2. Accis Cleophontis. R. B.C.H. xvii. 596 (36). Elbislik. 

3. Achillas (Scribonius). S.T. C.f.G. 3688. Artaki. 

4. Agatharchus Heraclidae. B-R. JM,S. xxiv. 34 (50). Pcrama 

5. Aglaiis (P. Aelius). Y. B,CM. xvii. 523 (9). Pandemia. 

6. Alexander (Alexandreus). B-R.M. iff.C/^. xvii. 532 {34}. Aidinjik. 

7. Alexander Leonidae. R.T. Perrot i. 101* Atk. Mitth. xiv. 251. 

J.M,S, XVII. 277 (28). Kermastt. 

8. Alexander. Y. JM.S. xxiii. 87. Artaki. 

9. Alexander, Y.T. Ath. Mitih. xxix. 305. Kavaklt. 

9 a. Alexander (Aurelius). 7^^^.123(185). "Cyzicus."* 

10. Algoumis Moschiani*. Aih, Mitth. xxix. 269. Balukiser. 

11. Amarantus (Ulpius). C.Y. JM.S. xxiv. 28 (27). Hodja Bunar. 

12. Ambrosius (Silius). C./.(7. 3691I Artaki. 

13. Ammia. Beri, Sittb. 1894, 900 (4). Balukiser. 

14. Andr...dori. JM.S, xxvi. 25 (i). Alexa. 

16. Andromache. R. Atk. Mitth. IX. 22 (17). Cyzicus. 

18. Andronicus Onesimus. Ath. Mitth. xxix. 316, xxx. 446. Nusrat 

17. Anicetus Euhemeri. Y. J.HS. XX v. 59 (18), Ath. Mitth. xxix. 30a 

Assar Alan. 

18. Anniani Nicomedensis filia. Hamilton 322, Le Bas 1768. Kebsad. 

19. Antheus Gauri. Ath. Mitth. xxix. 310 (2). AbouUiond. 

20. Antigone*. S. J.H.S. xxiil. 85 (35). Yappaji Keui. 
2L Antontniane (?). Le Bas 1079. AbouUiond. 

21t. Apantts. Bull. Soc. Ant. 1883, 218. Cyzicus. 

22. Aphrodisia. D. Hamilton 323, Le Bas 1769. Syllogosy Uap^, roO 
m' r6ito\> 64 (4). Kebsud. 

* These are amnged as far as possible alphabetically by the names of the deceased, 
failing them by such names as occur ; fragments which contain no name are placed at 
the end of each division. Christian inscriptions are grouped separately. The 
character of the monument is roughly shewn by the following initials: C^Cippus, 
R • relief (B-R« Banquet relieO> S= sarcophagus; the character of the inscription is 
shewn by the initials T^inrhiunutA^ Oa^^o^it, M = metrical. T« Threat, D» Date. 

' The old management of the Museum is said {Atk. Mitth. vi. 154) to have 
assigned all objects of unknown provenance to Cyzicus or Salonica. This stone is 
really from Heraclea Pennthus, sec Opcuttjd^ 'Brcnr^f I. 1897, 13. 

* The stone also bears a previous inscription of ApoUonius. 

< The two fragments seen by Pococke have been republished as new («) in 
B.C.H. XVII. 5s8 (ii\ (h) in Atk. Mittk. ix. 95 (50). 

* The name is written Andigomi as if the writer were more accustomed to the 
Latin values of the letters. 


23. Apollinarius. S. J.H,S. xxiv. 38. Yenije. 

24. ApoUodorus (Aurelius). C.R.Y. /M.S. xxili. 84 (34)* Cyzicus. 

25. ApoUodorus Thyrsi. M. (Unpublished.)^ AksakaL 

26. Apollonides. M. Ath. Mitih.y i.i2i{^\ Rev. PhiLiZ^, 2^6. Cyzicus. 
26 A. Apollonides Asclepiadae. B-R. Le Bas 1 534, A.-E. Mitth. XX. 73, 

Berlin Cat, Sculp. 835. Smyrna*. 

27. Apollonides Asclepiadae. B.C.H. xvii. 533 (35). Aidinjik. 

28. ApoUonis. R. Ath. Mitth. xv. 342, B.C.H. xvii. 544 (29). Triglia 

29. ApoUonis Praxiae. J.H.S. xxvi. 298 (8). AbouUiond. 

30. ApoUonius Diogenis. B-R. J.H.S. xxiv. 20 (2). Pandemia. 

31. ApoUonius Idomeneos'. Gedeon pi. iii. 17. Prasteio. 

32. ApoUonius Theonis (and two others). B-R. J.H.S. xxiv. 27 (23). 


33. ApoUonius (Claudius). R. J.H.S. xxiii. 76 (5). Yeni Keui. 
ApoUonius, see Algoumis v. la 

34. Apolponius?] Ascle[pae?]. R. J.H.S. yiwii. 270 {(^). AbouUiond. 

35. Apphion (Aurelius). Berl. Sitgb. 1894, 901. Bigaditch. 

36. Apsyrtus Logismi. Ath. Mitth. xxix. 337 n. Chinar Bunar Kaleh. 

37. Aquinus PoUianus Augustianus. B-R.Y. Ath. Mitth. vii. 254 (25). 


38. Archippus Archestrati. R. Ath. Mitth. ix. 201 (13). Pandemia. 

39. Aria (lulia). R. CI.C. 3692. Cyzicus. 

40. Aristides. R. Ath. Mitth. xv. 342, B.C.H. xvii. 545 (31). Triglia. 

41. Aristides (Aurelius). Y. J.H.S. xxv. 62 (b). MihaUitch. 

42. Ariston Aristi? R.Y. Ath. Mitth. xvi. 144, B.C.H. xvii. 547 (38). 


43. Arius Artemonis. R. B.C.H, xvii. 522 (4). Pandemia. 

44. Arius Cer(y)cionis. R. J.H.S. xxiii. 82 (25). Aidinjik. 

44 1. Artemeis Antipatri. B-R. J.H.S. xxvii. 66 (14). Pomak Keui. 

45. Artemidorus Artemidori. B-R. J.H.S. xxiv. 40 (65). Hadji Pagon. 

46. Artemidorus (G. Claudius Galicianus). Y. Syllogos vii. 171 (3). 


47. Artemon Menecratis. B-R. J.H.S. xxiv. 27 (21). Ergileh. 

48. Artemon Hermae. B-R. J.H.S. xxiv. 24 (11). MihaUitch. 

49. Artemon Artemonis qui et Scymnus. Y. J.H.S. xxiii. 84 (34). Yappaji 


50. Ascl]apon Asclepiadae. B.P.IV. 1892, 707 (2). Sazli D^rd. 

51. Asdas et ApoUonius D6i^ B-R. B.C.H. xvii. 525 (17). Gunen. 

^ I have these particulan from M. Th. Makris of Panderma. The stone is said to 
be in Bnisa, so it seems worth whUe to record its true provenance. 

' Le Bas saw this inscription in Spicgelthal's possession with v. 173 A (q. v.), and 
the ZiUitae and Syceni are mentioned in it. 

' 'Air[o]XXc&ri[c] | 'I0o/ieW(tft | X*^/><* 

* 1. 1 r]tf Ai^v ? 


52. Asclepas Menandri. J.H.S, xxiv. 27 (24). Ergileh. 

53. Asclepas Metiodori. Le Bas iioi. Mihallitch. 

64. Asclepiades. Hamilton 231, Le Bas 1764, Rev, Arch. N* S, XXXlv. 
106 (i). Eski Manyas. 

55. (a) Asclepiades and Ammia. T.D. (d) Meidias Asdepiadae M. 

Hamilton 324-5, Le Bas 1771. Syilogos^ Uapdpr, rev tc' r6iunf 
63 (3) : W only in Rh. Mus. XL. 250 (26X Kaibel 340, J,H.S. 
XXI. 291 (69), Ath, Mitih, XXIX. 312 f. Kebsud. 

56. Asclepiades Miletopolites. M. B,CJi, xxv. 426 (4). Kermasti. 

57. Asclepiades (Aurelius). S. J.H.S. xxiv. 35 (54). Kurshunlu. 

58. Asclepiadae (family). T. B.CH. xvii. 547 {y;). Aivalu DM. 

59. Asclepias Asclepiadae Pergamena. R. /.//.S, xxiil. 81 (23)*. 

00. Aspnis (Remigius). B.C/i. XII. 192 (3). Mihallitch. 
6L Athenaeus. Le Bas 1073. AbouUiond. 
62L AtUlus Asclepiodori. B-R. Lirnvre Inscrr. 170*, Marbres 2854, Bull. 

ArcfudtT Ath.Fr. iSsSi6o{i\j€iAresA.0esl./Hsl.xi. 191*. Cyzicus. 
53. Attinas Menophili. S.Y. /.H.S. xxv. 57 (9). Mahmun Keui. 

64. Auas? Myrrhinae'. Gedeon 89, pi. i. 8. Marmara. 

65. Aviania, P.* A /A. Aft/ f A. xiv. 24B (17). Kermasti. 

66. Bargus (Vedius). C.LG. 3683. Cyzicus. 

67. Bassus (family tomb). A/A. Mitih. xv. 15 (6). Eskil Keut. 
Bassus (L. lulius and family). Y. Atk. Aiittlu IX. 22 (19). Aidinjik. 
BQs. M. Ath. MiilA. XXIX. 297. Debleki. 

7a Callisthenes Callisthenis. C.Y. /./^.5. XXiv. 28 (29X Sari Keui. 

71. Callista T. Atk. Miith. ix. 22 (18). Cyticus. 

72. Campter Apollonii. J.H.S. xxiii. 81 (22). Aidinjik. 

73. Carpus and Apollonius. BerL Siisb. 1894, 90a Balukiser. 

74. CatuUa Lucilla. BX.H. xvii. 550 (46). Karabogha. 

75. ...ches (Eutyches ?). J.H.S. xxi. 233. Kebsud. 

76. Chrestus Numisii Nicomedensis^ Gedeon, pi. iv. 24. Marmara I. 

77. Chrysampelos Laodiceus. M. Atk. Mitth. vi. 128, 11. Cyzicus. 
76. Chrysochoiis. M. Btrl. SsM. 1894, 900 (i). Chaoush Keui. 

79. Cleander. T. Berl. Monaisb. i860, 49s (2), Aik. MiitlL vii. 253 (20). 

Ermeni Keui. 

80. Cleon TIepolemi. B-R. J.H.S. xxiv. 31 (38). Langada. 

81. Cleopatra (ServiliaX R.E.G. v. 509 (4). Susurlu. 

82. Codnis (P. Annaeus*}. T. Le Bas 1078. Nr. AbouUiond. 
82t. Corallion. Momt. «. Bi^X. i. 112 a'. Balukiser. 

83. Cornelia*. JCf ro^dviyr l. 3^9 (" )» B.C.H. xxiv. 375 (19). Kalolimno. 

* 1. I ^6|uny*« ? L 3 Bvymrpbt b iwol^mM. 

» X^^rr^ Nov/u#[<|ov Ncuro^^f^f | irOtf ftm'. « Cf. below v. i6j. 

* I. I N6ra(v)(apM lllurrmydiw ? I. 7 n]t TVw06pvx9t ? 


84. Comelii (family tomb) with bilingual inscr. CLG. 3789, C./.Z. 372. 

Nr. Aidinjik. 

85. Cretheus Hestiaei. J,H.S, xxii. 193 (2). Cyzicus. 

86. Crispina (Secunda). R. J.H.S. xxiii. 81 (24). Aidinjik. 

87. Crispinus (Ravennas). R.M. CJ.G, 3694, Wclckcr 337, Kaibel 337. 


88. Crispus (Q. Calvinus). BerL Sitsb, 1894, 919. Ilidja. 

89. Crispus (Otacilius). S. B.C.H, xvii. 545 (19). Syllogos^ Uapapr, roO 

k—kP r6fjunfy 14. AtA, Miith, XXXIV. 401. Palatia. 

90. Ctesias Bianoridae Athenaeus. JM,S, xxiv. 36 (57). Ycnijc. 

91. ...Cyzicenus. R. Ath. Afitth, x. 27 (30). Katatopo. 

92. Damianus. S. A tA, MittA. x, 211 {40), Kurshunlu. 

93. Danaus (boxer). B-R.M. Hamilton 31 1, Le Bas 1757, A/A. MiitA. VI. 

130 (6)t ^^' ArcA. III. (1846) 84, pi. 46. Aidinjik'. 

94. Daphnis. CJ,G, 3654^ B.P.IV, 1897, 707 (4). Bighashehr. 

95. Demetrius and Stratonice Menedis and two others. B-R. B,C.H. 

XVII. 525 (18), Mendel 66*. Gunen. 

96. Demetrius Menodori. B-R. J,H,S. xxiii. 75 (i), Mendel 58. Cyzicus. 

97. Demetrius Menophanis. B-R. Louvre Inscrr, 1%^^ Marbres 2%s^^ Bull, 

ArcA. de PAtA. Fr. 1855, 60 (3). Cyzicus. 

98. Demetrius Xenonis. B-R. J.H.S, xxiv. 28 (26). Hodja Bunar. 

99. Demetrius... fia...yiov. CLG. 3695 d. Gunen. 

100. Democifitus?] (Claudius). T. /./r.5. XXiv. 32 (43). Kalami. 

101. Demopolis Demopoleos. Le Bas 1087. AbouUiond. 

102. Diitrephes Hippiae. J,H,S. xxv. 57. Ermeni Keui. 

103. Diodeia and Sympheron. Y. AtA. MittA. IX. 23 (20), Stark 376 (12). 


104. Diodorus. CLG. 3697. Marmara. 

105. Diodorus.and Embilus Dai. B-R. J.H.S. XXiv. 33 (49). Mihaniona. 
Diognetus, see v. 11 1. 

106. Dion. CLG. 3568. Bigaditch. 

107. Dionysius qui et Unio. M. CLG. 3685, Welcker SylL 46, Kaibel 339 

(Caylus, pi. Ixxv*). Cyzicus. 

108. Dionysius Candionis and three others. R. AtA. MittA. x. 207 (37). 


109. Dionysius Dionysii. R. Conze Gr. Grabr. p. 15, pi. ii* (Calvert 

Collection). Cyzicus. 

110. Diognius Diogneti Athenaei. AtA. MittA, X. 209 (35). Cyzicus. 

111. Dionysodorus Pytheae. R.M. C./.^ 3684, ^>l. ^»j. 1886,346, ^.J/l 

Sculp. I. 736. Cyzicus. 

112. Doryphonis and two others. AtA. MittA. vi. 124 (6). 

114. £lcaciu5(?). CL.G. ^tSAg' Karabogha. 

> Now in the Imperial Museum at Vienna. 


124 f. Elpis (Gellia Tenia) and faintly. R. Xtpo^pfit L 332. Syge. 
115. Epaphroditus. J,H.S, xxii. 201 (6). Cyzicus. 
110* Epa^P^i^itus Hermioneus. J.N.S. xxiv. 39 (64), Mendel 415. 

117. ...EpaphroditL B.CH. xvii. 533 (38). Aidinjik. 

118. Ephescis Ephesii. B-R. /M.S. xxiv. 26 (20). Ergileh. 

119. Epigone (Plotia). Y. /.//.S, xxil. 203 (8). Yeni Keui. 

220. Epigonus Epigoni. AfA. Afitth. xxix. 310 (4). AbouUtond. 

221.,...oeus. Hamilton 327, Le Bas 1772. Kebsud. 

222. Eros'. Gedeon, pi. i. 15. Maimara I. 

223^ Erycia^ (lulia). B-R. Le Bas 1105, Perrot i. 99. Mihallitch. 

224. Euarestus. J.H.S. xxv. 58. Nr. Kermasti. 

225, Eubulus Theophili. Gerlach, p. 257, J.H.S. xxvii. 67 (15X Chatal 


120. Eucarpia. J.H.S. xxiv. 46 (67). Hammamli M. 

127* Euethius nftwroKmiiifnit. J.H.S. xviii. 272 (70). Kebsud. 

128. Eugnomon. D. A ih. Afitth. xxiX. 2\^. Bey Keui. 

129. Eumenes Olympi. R. Atk. Afitth. ix. 20 ( 1 5), xxix. 289*. Pandemia. 
190. Euopus (Antonius) and family. S.Y. J.HS.xx\\.y2(^2\ A th. Afitth. 

XXIX. 296. Kalami. 
131. Euphemus Midiae. J.H.S. xvii. 275 (23). Hammamli K.D. 
133* Eupbrosyne Aphrodisiadae. M. Ath. Afitth, xxix. 314. Kebsud. 

233. Euprepes provocator. R. Perrot i. 89 (56), Ath. Afitth. vl 124 (7), 

Goold 105. Artaki. 

234. Eusebes and Eutychius. C./.C?. 3568^. Bigaditch. 

135. Eutychas (Baebius). B-R.Y. J.H.S. xxiv. 30 (2). Panderma. 

130. Eutyches. R.Y. B.C.H. xvii. 545 (34). Chaoush Keui. 
137. Eutyches (Aurelius'). C.l.G. 2f^SC. Gunen. 

230. Eutyches (Aelius Lollius Lotlianus). C.I.G. 3686. Artaki. 

259. Eutyches* (?). -ff.C/f. xvil. 531 (32). Sari Keui. 

240. Eutychia. T. Ath. Afitth. vii. 252 (19). Cyzicus. 

141. Eutychia (parents of). Ann, delt Inst. 1852, 196, Le Bas 178a Assar 


143* Eutychia (Aelta Servia) and family. C.I.G. 3702, Le Bas 1096. Ulubad 

143* Eutychion. Le Bas 1102, cf. Perrot 1. 98. Mihallitch. 

244. Fausta (Boulcacia) and family. B.C.H. xvii. 453 (1). Cyzicus. 

146* Faustinus (Aurelius). S. J.H.S. xxiv. 25 (12). Ulubad. 

240. Fronto (Gaius*). B-R. B.C.H. xvii. 535 (16), cf. Ath. Afitth. xv. 342. 

Ermeni Keui. 

247. Fronto (G. Mamilius). R. B.C.H. xvii. 544 (28). Triglia. 

140* Fro'^^o ^^^ Politta. M. Anih. Pat. vii. 334—335. Cyzicus. 

f Ct BtrL Cat, Sn$lp. 836, which I tusp«ct is alio from the neigh t>ourhood. 
9 Cf Kaibcl 643 (Messana). « Pouibly vr6^>i9(>ia...E^i;xo[Cff. 

1. I'An^wr? 


149. ...gaetho Polemarchi. Ath, Mitth, ix. 22 (16), B.S,A. viii. 195, pi. v*. 


150. Gaius (husband of Musa Sosthenis). B.C.H. xii. 197 (7). AbouUiond. 

151. Gaius In.... C/.^. 3658^. Assar Keui. 

152. ...ges Attou.... R. B,CH, xii. 195 (6). Eski Chatal. 

153. Glyconianus (Annius). J,H.S. xxv. 59 (16). Balukiser. 

154. Gordius A. Hamilton 317, Le Bas 1763, C./.Z. 37a Eski Manyas. 

155. Helena Bospae. R. Ath. Mitth, x.. 211 {^i). Cyzicus. 

156. Heraclides. R. J,H,S. xxiii. 80 (21). Aidinjik. 

157. Heraclides Polynicis. Ath. Mitth. ix. 25 (25). Artaki. 

158. Heraeus Heraei. B,C.H. xvii. 545 (15). Yeni Keui. 

159. Hermaphilus Stratonis. Y.T. CJ.G. 3693. Cyzicus. 

159 1. Hermes (Aur.) Timothei. T. Ncor 'EXXi^yo/iy. i. 275. Marmara. 

160. Hermodorus (Mucius). R. Teh. K, 133 (255). Artaki. 

161. Hermocrates. R.M. Ath. Mitth. vi. 128 (13). Cyzicus. 

162. Hermogenes and Epictesis. Ann. delV Inst. 1852, 196, Le Bas 1774. 

EUes Keui. 
162a. Herodorus. Y. D^thier, Epig. Bys. 56, pi. xxv» (Galata.) 

163. Herodotus (P. Annaeus^). Y. Le Bas 1077. AbouUiond. 

164. Hippocrates and lunia Grapte. Sfvo^avi^f i. 327 (5), B.C.H. xxiv. 

874 (13). Kalolimno. 
164t. ...ii f. J.H.S. XXVI. 26 (3). Alexa. 

165. Irene Antigoni. R. B.C.H. xvii. 522 (3). Panderma. 

166. Ire[ne?] Aris... Perrot i. 89 (54). Hamamli K.D. 

166. Isauricus (Fadius). B.S.A. xiii. 306 (2). Kouvouklia. 

167. lulius (Gaius). Hamilton 319, Rev. Arch. N.S. xxxiv. 108. Eski 

167 1. lulia Polybii. B-R. Mendel 67*. Kermasti. 

168. lustus. Le Bas 1092. AbouUiond. 

169. Katomaros. B-R. J.H.S. xxv. 58 (12). Kermasti. 

170. Laenas (Q., qui et Lysimachus). Ath. Mitth. xvi. 342, B.C.H. xvii. 

544(30). Triglia. 
Leonidas, see v. 22. 

171. Licinius (Lucius). B.C.H. xvii. 529 (28). Artaki. 

172. Linus (M. Valerius). Y. Le Bas 108 1. AbouUiond. 

173. Lucilianus (A. Sattius). B.C.H. xvii. 528 (4). Dimetoka. 
173a. Lucius. B-R.Y. Btrl. Cat. Sculp. 837. (Smyrna*.) 

174. Lychnis. Y. J.H.S. xxv. 62 (a). Cyzicus. 

175. Lysander Aristomenis. R. Ath. Mitth. xvi. 144, R.E,G. v. 509 (3). 

175 1. Magnus (pbilosophus'). R.M. Mendel 71*. Kermasti. 

176. Maeandria Bacchii. M. Berl. Manatsb. 1874, 4 (2), Ath. Mitth. vi. 

53 (2). Syllogos VIII. 174 (11), Kaibel 244. Cyzicus. 

* Cf. above v. 8a. * Cf. abpve v. 16 A. 

* Cf. ill. 30, 48. 


m. Maior (Aurelius). J.H.S. xxiv. 36 (36). Kurshunlu. 
Mandron Mnesiptolemi, see vi. 52. 

178. Marcellus (C Urbanius)>. B.C.H, xvii. 549 (44), B,P. IV. 1897, 707 (3)- 

Chaoush Keui (Bigha). 
178a, Marcellus. Y. C/.G. 6958. (Padua.) 

179. Marcus (Flavius). C/.£. ill. 371. Cyzicus, 

180. ...mare*. AiA. Mitth, vii. 253 (22). Ermeni Keui. 

181. Matrodonis and Auge'. Gedeon loi, pi. i. 13. Prasteio. 

182. Matrone (and family). T. Syllogos y\\. 171 {^\ Cyzicus. 
182 1. Medeus Medei and Mama. B-R. Mendel 63. Kermasti. 

183. Melissa Ascladis (?) CJ.G. 3707. Mihallitch. 

184. Menander Menandri and three others. R.M. Ath, Mitth. vi. 14 (2). 


185. Menander Midiae. Syllogos^ Uapapr, rov ty ro/iov, 2a Aksakal. 
188. Menander Mileti. B-R. B.CH, xvii. 522 (6). Panderma. 

187. Menander Protomachi and Meleager Menandri. B-R. /M.S. xxiv. 

40 (66). Hadji Pagon. 

188. Menander (?) (T. Claudius). B-R. /A/:5.xvii. 292(71). Nr. Balukiser. 

189. Menander, P. Aelius. Hamilton 308, Le Bas 1754, Syllogos vii. 173 (8). 


190. Menebius(?). B-R. /./^.5. xxv. 61 (23). Alexa. 

191. Menecrates and Apphion. Ann. deir Inst. 1852, 196, Le Bas 178 1. 

Assar Keui. 

192. Menecrates Andronicil Y. Ath. Mitth. ix. 28 (33). Nr. Gunen. 

193. Menecrates Cleonteos. B-R. Bert. Sitxb. 1894, 900 (3). Balukiser. 

194. Menecrates Hagiae. B-R. /./^.5. xxiv. 26 (19). Chamandra. 

196. Menecrates Hermo[timi ?]. B-R. J.H.S. nsw.rj 1(17). Yenije. 
195a. Menelaus Menelat. B-R. C.I.G. 6982 (Chandler Lxvi.). (Oxford^) 
195f . Menestheus Theodort. B-R. Mendel 62. Kermasti. 

198. Menias. R. B.C.H. xvii. 528 (23). ArUki. 

198 a. Menius Diliporeos. C. Ath. Mitth. v. 84, Cauer 49a Cyzicus* (?). 

198b. Menodorus Andronis. Y. C.I.G. 97a '^ Athens.''^ 

197. Menodorus Menodori. C.Y. J.H.S. xxiv. 29 (30). Hammamli K.D. 

198. Menodorus Midiae. Le Bas 1103, i?^. T'A//. i. 39. Mihallitch. 
Menogenes(?), see v. 311. 

199. Menophanes Aristophanis. Ath. Mitth. ix. 204 (4). Panderma. 
199 1. Menophanes Menophanis. B.C.H. xvii. 545 (33). Diaskeli. 

^ Greek inscriplion in Latin charmcter. 

* Possibly B^^Mi^cc) (7v)r(ai)«l im{i)L%,\ x^p^* 

' BX«0T^ I *Yipt9%m I Marpod(^/»V "^^ ^^h^ ^**f I tf't*arotfa|rov0-( /irl^Mift [x^p^* 

* ** d carc^ffff^o^oF ai>r^ tk ffVfifi^ffrai . H M . . . HNO.'* 

* Bocckh connecu this with C.AG. 3385 (v. 380 a), tnd the name ts a favoarite 
mt Cyncas. 

* The provenance is doubtful. 

^ "Athenis Cons'polim delau'*; the same is Mid oiC/.G. 975. 


200. Menophanes Poseid(ippi ?). B-R. A/h, Aft'M, IX. 25 (27). Panderma. 

201. Met.... Ath. Mitth, xxix. 316. Tekkc Kcui. 

202. Metinna Protagorae. B.C.H, xvii. 533 (37). Aidinjik. 

203. Menophile Asclepiadae. B-R. Louvre Marb, 2838. Cyzicus. 

204. Menophilus Mcnothemidis. B-R. JM,S. xxvi. 26 (5). Chaoush 


205. ...menos. J.H,S, XXI. 233 (2). Kebsud. 

206. Metrodorus. J.H.S. xxv. 59 (17). Ilidja. 

207. Metrodorus Metrodori. /,H.S. xxiv. 23 (6). Aidinjik. 

208. Metrophilus (and two others). R. /.//i-i". xxili. 78 (13). Cyzicus. 

209. Micce. M. Rev. Arch. N.S.^xxi. 350 (4), Ath. Mitth. iv. 17, Kaibel 

338. Cyzicus. 

210. Micce Apollophanis. B-R. Black and White^ 1897, 207^ f.H.S. xxv. 

58 (10). Debleki. 

211. Micce Menandri. C.Y. B.C.H. xvil. 531 (31). Sari Keui. 
Midias Asclepiadae, j.7/. Ascleptades, v. 55. 

212. Midias Boc^dovr. Le Bas 1072 {ArchiL pi. ii. 2^), Rev, Phil. I. 44. 


213. Minucius (M.). J.H.S. xxi. 293 (74). Ingeji. 

214. Moschion Athenodori. R. C.I.G. 3701, Styo<l>dyris 1. 328 (9), c£ 

nXara»y X. 249. Kalolimno. 

215. Moschion. J.H.S. xxiv. 38 (61). Yenije. 

216. Moschion Diodori. B-R. J.H.S. xxiv. 27 (22). Ergileh. 

217. Moschion Menodori. R. B.P.IV. 1892, 707 (i). Karadagh. 

218. Moschion Moschit. Hamilton 309, Le Bas 1753. Aidinjik. 

219. ...Moschii and...Menandri. B-R. /./r.5. xxiii.8o(x8). Pandemia. 
219fp Moschus (L. Baebius)^ Rev. Arch. N. 5. XXXll. 268 (i). Cyzicus. 
219t2. Myrrhine (Aurelia). S.T.D. Ath. Mitth. XXiX. 312. Yildiz. 
219ts. Myrrhinus (tax-collector). C. B.C.H. xvii. 530 (29). Sari Keui. 
219t4. Naevia'. Gedeon, pi. iv. 23. Marmara I. 

219fv Nana Cleonices. Le Bas 1082. Aboulliond. 

219te. Nice. R. Perrot i. 89 (5). Cyzicus. 

219t7. Nicephorus Moschii. Y. J.H.S. xxv. 61 (24). Gunen. 

219t8. Nicetas. J.H.S. xxiil. 75 (3). Cyzicus. 

219tg. Nicias (Aurelius). R. J.H.S. xxi. 234. Nr. Kebsud. 

219^10. B-R. Rev. Arch. HI. S. xvii. 10(4). Cyzicus. 

220. Niger (L. Modius). Y. Ath. Mitth. xxix. 294. Perama 

221. Nympheros (qui et Nicanor) Nicopolites'. T. J.H.S. xvii. 275 (24). 

221 1. Onesimus (Pergamenus). Mendel 54*. Kavakli. 

222. Onesimus (P. Aelius) tfinoypa^Mv. Ath. Mitth. vi. 126 (9). Cyzicus. 

223. Onesimus (L. lulius). Y. Ath. MiUh. x. 209 (38). Cyzicus. 

' This is probably not sepulchral, cf. vi. 17. 
' 7u]raur2 Naij8{[f * ti 94 \ ri]t ToXtm/iffii c<ffT[/^rai...d](^et r{f),... 
(Last line) X^^'. 


2231% Onesimus. R. B,S.A, Xiii. 307 (5). Kouvouklia. 

224. Onesiphorus^? Y. Gedeon, p. 63. Aphysia. 

225. Ophelime (Sept Aurelia). R,Y. /.iV:^. xvii. 274? (20). Pandemia. 

226. Papias Papiae. B-R. B,C//, xvii. 533 (36). Aidinjik. 

227. Pasinices. B-R.Y. B.C.//. xvii. 533 (39). Aidinjik. 

228. ...qui et Paterion Dionysii. J.//.S, xvii. 274 (22). Pandemia. 

229. Paula. M. (fragmentary). J.//.S. xxiv. 30 (35). Langada. 

230. Paula. Rev. Arch. N. S. xxxiv. 108 (6), Ath. Mitth. XXIX. 299. 

Eski Manyas. 

231. Paulus ? J.//.S. XXIV. 32 (46). Kalami. 

232. Pemate. y.M5. xx v. 59 (15). Balukiser. 
233* Peplus Secundae. Le Bas 1074. AboulHond. 

234. Perigenes (Aur.). Y. J.//.S. xxii. 204 (10). Kazak Keui. 
236. Phaeex Isagorae. C./.G. 3682, Bechtel 109. Cyzicus. 
235f . Philaenium Tyranni. R. Mendel 72. Kermasti. 
235a. Philemation ( Aelia ?). Y. C./.G. loyj. (Padua.) 

236. Philistas? Herocratis. y.//:5. XXI v. 24 (10). Mihallitch. 

237. Philocalus Lollii. C.Y. Berl. Monatsb. i860, 496 (3), Perrot i. 89 (54). 

Ermeni Keui. 

238. Philoctetes. y.//:5. xxv. $8 (it). Aboulliond. 

230. Philomelas. S.Y. Berl, Sitib. 1889, 11. 554. Kurshunlu. 

240. Phtlonice. D. J.//,S. xxi. 233. Kebsud. 

241. Phylarchus (Aur.). Y. Berl. Monalsb. 1860^ 49^ (4X Enneni Keui. 

242. Phyllis (?)S. J.H.S. xxiv. 31(39). Langada. 

243. Plotia. T. AlA. Aftl/A. vu. 2$$ {21). Ermeni Keui. 

244. Pollianus. T. J.//.S. xxiv. 33 (47). ^Diavati. 

244 1. Pollio. T. Syllogos^ Uapapr. roC m' ro/Mn*, 73 ($2). Yalichiftlik. 

245. Polycarpia (lulia). Le Bas 1080, /^ev. Phil, i. 42. Aboulliond. 

246. ...Poseidonii'. Gedeon, pi. iv. 25. Marmara I. 
246t. Polydamas. B.S.A. Xlll. 306 (3). Kouvouklia. 

247. Potamon Asclepae. B-R. J.//,S, xxiv. 24 (9). Mendel $9. Mihallitch. 
247a. Potamon Alexandri. R.Y. C/,G, 6978. Constantinople. 

248w Primilla*. Gedeon 36, pi. i. 7. Pasha Li man. 

248. Protogonus. AtA. J^ittk. xxiX. 305. Chorduk. 

250. Publius.... Y. J.//.S. XXV. 62 (26). Gunen. 

251. Publius... nei. Hamilton 303, Le Bas 1777. Aboulliond. 

252. Pyrrhus (Aur.). Le Bas 1076. Aboulliond. 

253i PythodorusPythaeandPythesPythodori. R. ^/i. ilff/M. vii. 254 (23). 
Enneni Keui. 

254. Rufus (C Sepullius). Hamilton 315, Le Bas 1759* ^'/-^ 373** Artaki. 

255. Rufus G. KovXxtoc (?)^ Gedeon, pi. iv. 29. Marmara I. 

1 *Twlntnu»m. I KATI0NH...1I0P0T | 3 «arc^irfi>aircr /a[v>r^ ral rf -n^rnxL 
' npcifiiXXa X*^* * (bilingual). 


256. ...rus (?Zopyrus) heros. Louvre Itiscrr. 263, Marb. 2853, BulL Arch, 

de PAth, Fr. 1855, 60 (4). Cyzicus. 

257. Rutilianus (Stlaccius). C.I.G. 3654^. Karabogha. 

258. Sabinus (L.). Le Bas 1760, C./.Z. 369. Mthallitcb. 

259. Sacerdos. JM.S, xxiii. 80 (20). Aidinjik. 

260. Sapricius (Aur.)*. B,C.H. xxiv. 874 {16). Kalolimno. 

261. Scorpus, T. Hamilton 314, Le Bas 1756. Aidinjik. 

262. Se]rvilius (G.). /.MS. xxvi. 26 (4). Chaoush Keui (Kara-ddrO- 

263. Secunda (Hortensia). J.H.S, xxiii. 78 (10). Cyzicus. 
263f. . Secundus. B-R. B.S.A, xiii. 307 (6). Kouvouklia. 

264. Secundus Gorgiae. Ath, Mitth, ix. 27 (32), xxix. 295 b, Langada. 

265. Severus (Aur.) and family^. Gedeon 29, pi. i. 4. Houklia. 

266. Smo... (Aur.) Gerousiast. CJ,G. 3687. Artaki. 

267. Sosibius Capitonis. R. B.M.' Cyzicus. 

268. Soteris. R.Y. Aih, Mitth. ix. 25 (29). Pandemia. 

269. Sotejrichus, Artemon and Midias. R. Mover, kcu Bi/3X. ii.^ o-m', Stark 

375 (9)- Cyzicus. 

270. Soterius (A. Flavins). C.LG. 3698. Marmara. 

271. Stacte Mnestoris. Hamilton 305, Le Bas 1083. AbouUiond. 

272. Stephanephorus. M. Hamilton 326, Le Bas 1767, Rh. Afus. 1842, 

251 (27), Kaibel 342. Kebsud. 

273. Stephanus. /.J/.S, xxi. 232. Kebsud. 

274. Stephanus Dii. Le Bas 1084. AbouUiond. 

275. Strato...Menophanis. M. A/A. Mitth, Xiv. 248. 16, J.H.S. xvii. 

272 (14). Mihallitch. 

276. Struthis Heraclidae. B.C.H, xiv. 540 (7). Cyzicus. 

277. Syncletice Artemidori. Ann. delP Inst, 1852, 196, Le Bas 1778. 

Chai Keui. 

278. Synetus. B-R.M. B,C,H, xvii. 522 (5). Panderma. 

279. Syntyche. Y.R. Perrot i. 88 (53). Ycni Keui. 
279 1. Tadoutos Dionysii. R. Mendel 37. Mihallitch. 

280. Teleos SpeusippL Aik, Mitth, xiv. 252 (21). Kermasti. 

280a. Telesphorus. B-R.Y. CJ,G. 3383, Louvre Inscrr. 252, Marb. 2857. 

281. Tertulla (Q., Apollodori). B.CH, xii. 69 (3). Debleki. 

282. Theodorion. Ath. Mittk, xxix. 272. Balia Maden. 

283. Theophila (Sebia). J.H.S, xxv. 62 (27). Bighashehr. 

284. Timodea Dioclis. R. B.C.H, xvii. 543 (27X cfl Ath. Mitth. xv. 342. 


285. Timolaus Sdeuci and Dionysius Timolai. B-R. J.H.S. xxill. 79 (15)*. 

^ 1. 3 6 Ka);rt\rK€6ac9». 

BovXCoMfii?) «ca tv ir/NKr0c[Xei Bptwr^T] M. 0(tViwUp\ humvvUfi. 

* In Mauaolenm annexe, no number ("Presented by Col. F. Warren, R.A."). 


285t. (Timothei frater.) B.S.A. xiii. 306 (4). Kouvouklia. 

286. Trietcris. R. B,C//, xvii. 528 (24). Artaki. 

287. Trophime Sosibii. B-R. JM.S. xvii. 274 (21). Pandemia. 

288. Trophimus (Faustus). Hamilton 312, Le Bas 1752. Aidinjik. 

289. Tryphaena Charixeni^ T. Ath. Mitth. vi. 127 (10). Cyzicus. 

290. Tryphaena. T. LeBasiio4. Mihallitch. 

291. Tryphosa Cleandri. R. /.//:5. XXi 11. 80(17). Pandenna. 

292. Tychice. JM,S. xxv. 59 (4). Mendoura. 

293. Tyrannis (Domitia?). R. B.C.H. xii. 198 (8). AbouUiond. 
293a. Unicus (D.). Y. /iV:5. xxv. 63 (//)• Bnisa. 

Unio, see Dionysius, v. 107. 
291 Urbicius (C. FUvius). Berl, Monaisb, i860, 496 (4). Enneni Kcui. 

296. Varia*. Y. B.CM, XVii. 528 (25). Aitaki. 

298. V...(Aur.). S. JM.S. xxiv. 31 (40). Kataiopa 
296 1. ? Vajentianus. Y. /.//.S, xxv. 62(c). Mihallitch. 
296tt. Valerius (Decimus). Le Bas 1075. AbouUiond. 

297. Zeno. Hamilton 310, Le Bas 1755. Aidinjik. 
296. Zitharus. A /A. AftVA, xxix. 311. Nusrat 

299. Zoimus (?Zosimus). /./A5. xxiv. 30 (33). Kautopo. 

300. Zopyrus'? S. B.C//. xvii. 523 (8). Pandemia. 
30L Zosime. CJ.G. 3706. Mihallitch. 

301a. Zosimus. R.Y. C/.<J. 6937. (Verona.) 

302. Zosimus Tychici. Y«. A /A. Afi/fk. xxix. 312. YUdiz. 

303. Zotiche Onesimi. J./f.S. xxv. $7 (8). Panderma. 
303a. Zotiche PoUmonis. /M.S. XXIII. 75 (2). Cyzicus. 

Anonymotis and fragmentary sepulchral inscriptions : 

(a) Stelae with reliefs. 

304. Relief of seated woman, servant, and horseman with mutilated inscrip- 

tion. TcL K. 122 (263). Cyzicus. 
306. Relief of hunter and dog. Louvre Inscrr. 262, Marbres 2853, Bull. 
Arch, de PAth. Fr. 185$, 60 (6). Cysicus. 

306. Relief of Graces and Erotes with metrical 'saluUtion.' f.H.S. xxiv. 

29 (32). Kautopo. 

307. Reliefs of banquet and horseman with * saluution * distich. f.H.S. 

xvil. 274 (19), cf. ibid. xxv. 58. Aksakal 

1 Hippiurchate of ? Victor]ina and Nonta Quarta. 

« TvW«>«] O^o^at T[iH...] 4 ht^ii^iP mbyri b A>V K[mM<3^?l nt#XX[<iir] 

* ^w<x«V^a M <'t ^ {fwyifitrUm ttov fiKtibifmt r6[r rt vtiv Z«&]rvp«r crX. (for 
rwtifiinm cf. bwpawti^im in v. ift 9«). 

* Probably Xt. The monament it designated lULfirbftm. 


(d) Metrical fragments. 

308. Elegiac fragment Uov <ro4>iTi9, etc. AtA. MittA. xxix. 302, of. xxx. 329. 

Demir Kapu. 

309. Beginnings of four lines. AtA. Mittk, ix. 24 (24). Cyzicus. 

310. Similar. Ath. Mitth.yi,2o^{2l^a), Cyzicus. 

311. Portions of five lines'. Ath, Mitth. x. 209 (36^). Cyzicus. 

312. Portions of seven lines. Stvo<fMvrj£ i. 330 (12), B.CJV. xxiv. 874 (20). 


313. Metrical fragment. /.//.S. xxv. 60 (21). Yeni Bulgar Keui. 

314. Similar. AtA, MittA. iv. 21, cf. vi. 257. Cyzicus. 

315. „ Le Bas 1085. Aboulliond. 

316. ), Le Bas 1090. „ 
(See also above, v. 258, 263.) 

(c) Fragments of sarcopAagi^ etc. 

317. Fine to tameion. Le Bas 1091. Aboulliond. 

318. „ fiscus. J.H.S. XVII. 272 (15). Mihallitch. 

319. Similar. Xtvo^vrft i. 327 {^^.B.C//. xxiv. 375. Kalolimno. 

320. Fine to heirs. Perrot i. 99 (6i},yi/^.5. xxiv. 24 (15). Mihallitch. 

321. Fine. f./fS, xxii. 204 (12). Cyzicus. 

322. Similar. AtA. AfittA. xxiX. yyo^f.N.S. xxv. 60 (ig). AssarAlan. 
(Fine to aoKKtu^poi dnh rov fAtrpfjroVf see V. ^ 22.) 

323. Law of rvfiPopuxia. f.H.S. xvii. 272 (15). Mihallitch. 
323 1. „ „ //^.i". xxvii. 66(11). Chakyrdja. 

324. Curse, tnovpavi»Vf etc. fH.S. xxiv. 33 (48). Diavati. 
326. Curse. AtA. Mitt A. ix. 24 (21}. Artaki. 

326. Fragment. Syllogos^ Ilapdpr. rov tc' ro/iov, 73 (53). Yalichiftlik. 

327. „ with vnofAviifjLa. f.H.S. XXXlll. 82 (29}. Aidinjik. 

328. Three fragments. f.H.S. xxiv. 32 (44). Kalami. 

329. Fragment with vfrdfivi7/A4i. C/.(x. 3704, Le Bas 1098. Ulubad. ... 

330. Fragment f.H.S. xxiv. 32 (41). Langada. 

331. „ ' Gedeon 103, pi. ii. 14. Klazaki. 

332. „ ' „ 16, pi. i. I. Yera. 

333. „ /./r.5'. XXII. 204 (11). Cyzicus. 
333t. „ Zwof^&nit 1. 328 (7). Kalolimno. 
333tt. „ „ . 1. 328 (8). 

334. Fragmentary epitaph of a legionary. AtA. MittA. xix. y)^. Balukiser. 

335. Similar*. AtA. MittA. xxix. 316. Aboulliond. 

336. Fragment of bilingual inscr. AtA. MittA. xiv. 249 (18). Ulubad. 

^ ? OOpofUL Mir]roy6^ war[p6t 8^, etc. 1. 2 re]inrcirateijco0{/njf . 
' TAEIAZH 5M^ci wp64rr[iftoy \ ...oH^ovaiP rod 7.... 
» (a) Xocr]oc(t) Awayop96», (^) ^ aifX-^v- 
^ 1. I Xryiwroff "Uaxtdwucip. 


337. Fragment with date r«0'. Ath. Mitth. xxix. 315. Kebsud. 

338. H >9 ^*<'- Hamilton 328, Le Bas 177a Kebsud. 

339. „ „ trvff. Atk. Mitth. XXIX. 313. Redzeb. 

340. „ „ 9¥v, Ath. Mitth. xxix. 302. Omar Keui. 

341. „ „ yvr'. Le Bas 1088. Aboulliond. 

342. Indeterminate fragment. Le Bas 1086. 

343. ,, „ Le Bas 1089. 

344. „ ,, Le Bas 1093. 

345. „ „ Le Bas 1094. 


See also 11. 1 1 (a). 

(b) Christian*. 

^1. Alexander*. D. ^M. il/f/M. x. 209 (39), Cumont 270 (11). Cyzicus. 

2. Alexandria. E. J,HS, xxiv. 37 (60). Yenijc K.D. 

3. Anastasius and Euphemia. 6. B.C.H, xvii. 523 (10). Panderma. 

4. Anna Varii. J.H.S. xxiii. 78 (12). S. George I. 

5. Antiochus(?) e. //^.5. xxiit. 82 (27). Aidinjik. 
5t. „ e. J,H.S. xxvii. 65 (10). Chakyrdja. 

6. Aphthonetus. e. JM.S. xxiil. 76 (7). Yeni Keui. 

7. Arcadius. J,N.S. xxil. 203 (9), Mendel 43a Cyzicus. 

8. Aurelius.... e. JM.S, xxiv. 30 (34). Egri D^r^. 

9. Auxanon*. J,H.S. xxiii. 75 (4), see Wilhelm, Beitrage^ 203. Cyzicus. 
9t. „ Gedeon, pi. iv. 29. Marmara I. 

10. Chrestus (Aelius)*. Y. C.LG. 3690, Perrot I. 89 (58X Cumont 270 (8). 

See Ath. Mitth, ix. 20. Artaki. 

11. Cyriacus. E. B,C.H, xvii. 528 (26). Artaki. 

12. Domitius. e. JM.S, xxiv. 23 (5). Aidinjik. 

13. Euphrosyne. E. JM.S. xxiv. 35 (53). Koum Liman. 
13 f. Eunice (?)^ e. Gedeon 103, pi. L 12. Prasteio. 

14. Eupractus^ Atk. Mitth. vi. 128 (12), Cumont 270 (10). Cyzicus. 

15. Eusebia and Lampros. J.H.S. xxiii. 86 (36). Yappaji Keui. 

16. Gen[tianus?(Iulius)^ Y. /.//;5. xxili. 79 (16}. Panderma. 

17. Heraclea. O.T. Syllogos viii. 173 (10). Cyzicus. 

13. Hermogenes and Sminthia. e. Ath. Mitth. IX. 27 (2). Langada. 
18t. loaanes episcopus. J.H.S, xvii. 269 (3), cf. B,S.A. XIII. 209. 

19. loannes presbyter. J.H.S. XXlll. 84 (33). Hammamli K.D. 

* D sdate, B s iwBiM criroA KT\.t 6 = tf/tf(t, T= vithiun\»M„ * *A»cvai^aro, etc. 

* The formula is 6t &r ro^co^ct {iu^ cf. Aik. Mitth. XV. 161) #«t«a a^^ rpof r^ 
9th9\ Ad^ttm, a rather characteri^ic Xt. name, occun also in v. 155. 

^ Fragmentary and po%sibly not Xi, 

H. 19 


iii20. Joannes and Placidilla (?). e. J.H,S. xxxiii. 86(37}. Yappaji Keui. 

21. lulianus and Antiope. e. Ath, Mitth, ix. 27 (32), xxix. 294. Langada. 
21 1. Martinianus. S. Ath, Mitth, xxix. 292*. Cyzicus. 

21tt. Nicephorus. Ath, Mitth. xxix. 306. Kavakli. 

22. Octaverius' ? Ath. Mitth. vi. 125 (8), Cumont 270 (9). Cyzicus. 
22 1. Patricius*. E. Gedeon, pi. iii. 21. Marmara I. 

23. Paulus. S.Y. J.H.S. xxiv. 36 (55). Kurshunlu. 

24. Pegasius'. B.C.H. xvii. 524 (13). Debleki. 
24t. Petrus. J.H.S. xxi. 234. Balukiser. 

25. Phili...ia. Hamilton 307, Le Bas 1758. Aidinjik. 

26. Sergius. C.I.G. 8908, Le Bas 1106, Cumont 271 (8). Mihallitch. 

27. Symeon. J.H.S. xxiv. 31 (37). Langada. 

28. Theodulus Aquilinus. Ath. Mitth. IX. 24 (23), Movo-. ical Bi^X. II^. 

14 (017')* (Calvert Coll.) Cyzicus. 

29. Theodora diaconissa. £. J.H.S. xxiv. 24 (8). Mihallitch. 
29t. Theoktistus (?). ^.5.^. xiii. 305 (i). Tachtali. 

30. Trophimus^ e. B.C.H. xvii. 524 (14). Yeni Keui. 

31. Tatas(?} and Tryphaena^ B.C.H. xvii. 523 (11). Panderma. 
31 1. Tryphon of Vatopedion^. Gedeon 61. Aphysia. 

32. Tryphon Papyli. e. J.H.S. xxiii. 82 (26). Aidinjik. 
Zosimus, see above v. 302 note. 

33. Anonymous iambic epitaph dated 6500 (991) with relief of orb between 

♦(w) X(^>MFTov) ^{pxwu) n(a(rir). J.H.S. XXIV. n (59). Yenije K.D. 

34. viTffp aarripUi^ Ktu a^vtw AfiapTt&y. C.I.G. 3703, Le Bas 107, Cumont 

271 (19). Ulubad. 
35t. vircp f2cvx[7ff. Ath. Mitth. XXIX. 302. Assar Kaleh. 

Other Christian inscriptions (not sepulchral) are vi. 10^ 11, 12, 14, 15, 
28, 46, 47, 48, 49. 50. 51. S2, 62, 63, 64. 

' ToOro Td fiPii/M dia^pii ffilv nf Oiro<nripirlip koI fiiSpoit *OKTa$efniov {sic) 
droSjiKafitov rov xarik "Attov Ktifiiis Koi K\iipoi'6fiw a^oS. Xpirri, dnvaOffw rifw 
yf^vx^ a^oC. XMF. 

* '"SwBdZt KalroKire Halrpliaos 6 r|^t /xtucaplas | tu^f^V* ^fMfitl^ot drd x^ov N^vov 
iwoplas I V-ipovriX^wt \ iTe\i(i9[fi \ h Kvpi(ov) i[rti | Kiff*. 

' inrkp Uvxyfl Ti{yi)yaalov. The formula need not be sepulchral. For /evx^t 
cf. below (35) and I.G. xii. 911. 
^ 0^act Tpo^futv v[avjrXi|p]o[u? 
' ^TrSfUfJti/itL <ia^/>(o)r | rott d]iro Tdrov ical rijt a&rov \ yatierijt Tpv0cUinyt. 

* 'Er^a ca|ra4r(fr)r(aA) | Barorcdi[ay|dt] Tpi^r. 


Ci-Ass VI. Miscellanea. 

(a) Landmarks. 

1. Milestone with titles of Trajan and name of proconsul Vettius Proclus 

(II5-6A.D.)- B,CH.xi\.6y, Aidinjik. 

2. Similar of Severus, proconsul Lollianus Gentianus (209 a.d.) : later 

emperors below. B.C.M, xil. 66, C/.Z. 7179, 718a Debleki. 

3. Similar road mark with inscrr. of 334-7 and 364-75. B.C.H. xvii. 523. 

Nr. Debleki. 

4. Eighth milestone with inscr. of (a) Constantine and (Jb) Valentintan. 

JM,S. XVII. 273 (18). Omar Keui. 

5. Twenty-fifth do. with similar inscrr. Perrot i. 99 (62). Chamandra. 

6. Thirteenth do. with inscrr. of lovianus^ B,CM, xvii. 546, 35. * Below 

Chaoush Keui.' 
6t. Boundary-stone of Cyzicus beyond the Aesepus. AtK Mitth. xxix. 
277. • Porta.' 

7. Boundary-stone of Miletupolis and Poemanenum. Ath, MitiJL xiv. 247, 

J.H,S, XVII. 271 (3), cf. XXIV. 24. Mihallitch. 
& Boundary of Argiza(?) and Skepsis. BerL SiiMb. 1894, 204. Nr. 

9. Boundary of Mandrae and Gannatenum. Le Bas 1075, Rtv. PhiL I. 

202. Akcheler. 

10. Boundary-stone of quarry*? Gedeon 11 4-5, pL iii. 19. Papas. 

11. Boundary-stone (indecipherable)'. JM.S, xvii. 269 (4). Akcheler. 

12. Boundary-stone of Hydreae^ (?). J.H.S, xvii. 276, 26. Chepne. 

For other village- names see v.22t ('Arrov icit^), v. •■• 22t ix^piov N/rov), 
VI. 57 (rvrvroiX V. 192 (ni||MBn|ir04 ?), IV. 52 (Tadoico|i«tn^ff), IV. 23 
(epoKM Kmiui\ V. 26 A (ZvKi|roi), V. 4i9 (TpovdovniM^c), 1. 8, 9 (nXo- 
Kiarij) : Foreign inscriptions MiUtus (2)(nv^ct»|ii|nyr, XXawwwim^ifnitt 
Evirarnyoiy) : for village administration I v. 14, iv. 23 (dcoiK^n^r), iv. 
13 (x»P«Oi V. 26 a (x«f>7»-«*)> IV. 20 (<»;MfT04), V. 127 (irpiWMtw^ifrTf), 
IV. 23f 82 (ytoicrffirw), 1. 1 6 (public lands). 

13. Boundary of Athena (?). J.H.S. xxiv. 29 (31). HarakL 

14. Private boundary of Macedonius and Andreas. Atk. Mitth. iv. 25 (28). 


15. Similar of Parthenius and.... Atk, Mitth, xxix. 306. Kara Oghlan. 

16. Three blocks with FCT. Atk, Mitih. xxix. 36. Tekke Keui. 

' C./.£. 7178 (Epk. £>. II. 351) * between Musatcha and Puha Cbiftlik' seems 
to be a ittUer reading of the same stone. 

* Aar^M(t)o(') ^ e«(o)T4«oi; | r^ iv TfX6p<.f. 

* Perhaps +^ Btafipotrtt r^ Kcri, (x^p^v): for Kcrff cf. Ramsay, Pkryg.^ 

Inscr. 173. 

' VeryilUten(e; the sense seems to be: ipo^f#la'Tdp«i#r dUSia* lrr«4 wAr^ wp^ 

19 — 2 


(b) Inscriptions from Statues, Architecture, etc. 

17. Inscription from statue of Cyzicus set up in the theatre. CJ,G, 3667. 


18. Elegiac couplet from statue of Homer. Aih. Mitth. vi. 129 (14). 


19. Fragment of couplet. /.H.S, xxiii. 84 (32). Cyzicus. 

20. Signature of Sosigenes Eucratis on statue-base. B.C.H. Xiv. 540 (5), 

Loewy 281. Cyzicus. 

21. Inscription from the megaron of Baebius^ Rev. Arch, N, S. xxxil. 

268 (2). Cyzicus. 

22. Inscription on frieze of stoa (?) built by Hadrian. Hamilton 304. Le 

Bas 1068 {Rev. Phil. i. 40), cf. Mon. Fig. pi. 48. AbouUiond. 

23. Inscription commemorating architectural works of Celer and Hennas'. 

CJ.G. 3705. AbouUiond. 
23t. Inscribed architrave of Tychaeum at Miletupolis. J.H.S. xxvii. 
78 (11), Mendel 91, 92. Kermasti. 

24. Inscription on architrave of small temple. /.H.S. xxiii. 78 (11). 


25. Dedication' of temple (?). Gedeon, pi. iv. 22. Marmara I. 

26. Inscribed architrave with name of G. Calvisius. J. H.S. xvil. 292 (71), 

XXI. 237. Balukiser. 

27. Fragment relating to the building of a stoa(?). J.H.S. xxiv. 26 (17), 

XXV. 58. AbouUiond. 

28. Byzantine inscription on door-jamb. Ath. Mitth. ix. 27 (31), zi. J.H.S. 

XXIV. 30. Katatopo. 
Among the architectural inscriptions should also be ranged the series of 
epigrams from the temple of Apollonis {Anth. Pal. in. 1-19) and the 
two seen by Cyriac {B.C.H. xiv. 535 ff.) : 
28 f. (a) on the temple of Hadrian : 

'Ek dair^dov /i' cSfp^axrcv oXi^r *A.<rias {jUya Oavfio] 

28 tt. (d) *ad...Persephoriae templum.' 

Mllustrissimi heroes et optimi Cyzicenorum civitatis cives maximae 
caelesti et inferiali dearum gloriosae nympharum a love produc- 
tarum Proserpinae talem construxerunt aram^' 

1 Cf. V. iipti. 

' For iifyoardffKm cf. Ramsay Phryg. 11. 647: ^oar^nis occurs in tAmi9, KnX 
BifiK. Iff. 47 (^ofi^- 

' APAI2 rby vahv a^fi rcurrl [rf xbtrfUf], 

* So Preger, Epijir. Gr. 47. Cf. Kcil in Hermes 1897, 505 (note) and 507. 

" Possibly 'H/Hrfct fiad^bo^ dptarol r SLareos ip8p*t \ Kv^kov oOpa»lt» re xara- 
X^ovUfw Tt ^plvrig \ Nu^t^cur r' e^irXe^wir rw ix A«6t ^icyryavttalr | Htpae^^ fittfi^ 


Other inscriptions relating to buildings are 1. 21 (tower of city wall^ 
cf. I. 22), IV. 68, 69 (harbour-works), iv. i (triumphal arch). 

Public buildings are mentioned in 1. 10 (temple of Asklepios and Apollo), 
I. 12 (of Athena Polias), iv. 71 (of Aphrodite), l. 9 (Parthenon of 
Placia), III. 35 (Precinrt of Kore), li. 9 (the Kallion), i. 10 (the 
Heroon), i. 8 (Market of the Men), I. 4 (of Tryphaena), I. 5 (Doric 
Portico and Tables), I. 10 (Portico and KaradpofAfi), I. 5. vi. 17. . 

(c) Graffiti from the Gymnasia'. 

29. Dethier, Ept£^. Byz. 73 ff. pi. vii., cf. A/k. Mitth, vi. 122 (4). Cyzicus. 

30. Dethier, loc, dL pi. viii.' Cyzicus. 

31. Dethier, loc. cit. pi. IX. Cyzicus. 

32. Ath. Miith. vi. 122 (4), Goold 124. Cyzicus. 

33. Syllogos VIII. 74 (9X Ath, Mitth, vii. 252 (186). Ermeni Keui. 

34. Aih, Mitth. vii. 252 (i8a). Rev, Arch. Ill S, ill. 395. Ermeni Keui. 

35. Ath, Mitth, x. 207 (33). Ermeni Keui, 

35 a. Mus, iVorsL I. 41, C/.C7. 6845, Conze Lesbos 32, pi. xiii. (9). Cyzicus. 

36. /./r.5. XXVI. 28 (7). Panderma. 

(d) Small Objects (various). 

37. Fragment of cylindrical vessel with reliefs of Hermes, etc. inscribed. 

Atk, Mitth. X. 208. Cyzicus. 

38. Bronze lamp dedicated to Artemis Ephesia by strategus of Miletupolis. 

CJ,G. S944i Elworthy, Evil Eye^ 212*. (Rome.) 

39. Inscribed sundial. B.C.H. xvii. 547 (39). Gunen. 

40. Inscribed mi na weight'. Arch. Zeit, XiAX. 146. (B.M.) 

41. Similar double-suter weight. C.I.G. 3681, Broniis Bibl. Nat. 2242. 

42. „ stater „ Bronzes Bibl. Nal. 2243. 

42 1. Weight inscribed with name of hipparch Onesimus. Pernice, Gr. 

Giwichle^ No. 624. (Athens.) 
43* Inscribed intaglio gem. Class. Rev. IV. 282! Cyzicus. 
44. Handle of amphora, with round stamp of the Cyzicenes lason and 

Callippus. 'ASfivoiov III. 452. 
44 f. Byzantine lamp stamped ^^r Xpwrov ifxuvu wavw (unpublished). 


' These inscriptions are usually accompanied Uy incised outlinei of human feet, 
often in pain, each foot being inscribed with the name of an athlete. A second in- 
scription exhorts the nsci to 'remember for good* their departed comrades: cf. outside 
Cyxiciu Franckel Jnsckrr. Ptrg. 574, C.l.G. 494S'^* 

* No. 30 is dated by the name of the hipparch Claudia Ptolemais. 

* Many varieties of these weights are exhibited at the British Muaeum (cf. Cai* 
Brpnus 3000) and Dr Mordtmann of Constantinople has a large collection from 
Cyzicus so far as I know unpublished. 

« Now in BM. 


45. Byzantine marble jar inscribed *EXcov (tarov NA'. AtA. Mitth, xxix. 

293*. Nr. Cyzicus. 
45 1. Inscribed amulet. /?.£'.C7. 1891, 287. Yappaji Keui. 

(e) Byzantine Seals. 

46. loannes commerciarius of the Hellespont (and Cyzicus ?). Schlumbei^g^er 


47. Nicolaus metropolitan of Cyzicus ^ Ibid. 199. 

47 1. Ignatius „ „ *. Joum, Int. Num, iqo6^ 70 {122 T)* 

47 ft. Demetrius epitropos of Cyzicus. Ibid, 70 (122 c). 
47+tt. Symeon/r.0^^^(9J of Cyzicus. Ibid. 70 (122 {). 

48. Leontius archbishop of Proconnesus^ Schlumberger 198. 

48 f. loannes bishop of Dascylium. Ibid. 732. 

49. Epiphanes Xenodochus of Lupadium. Ibid. pp. 246, 381. 

(0 Byzantine Glass Weights. 

50. Eparch Theopemptus. Byg. Zeitschr. vii. 604. Cyzicus. 

61. „ Droserius. R.E.G. viiL 1895, 65 (2), cf. Byz. Zeitschr. I. c. 


(g) Unclassified and Fragmentary. 

52. Boustrophedon fragment^. Gedeon, pi. i. 3. Houklia. 

53. Collection of Aphorisms. J.H.S. xxvii. 62 (3), B.P.W. 1907, 765. 

Mendel 401. Kermasti. 

54. Rock-cut inscription ^ Gedeon 1 14, pi. iii. 18. Papas. 

54 1. Inscription regulating cutting of tree(?}. J.H.S, xxvii. 66 (13). 
Pomak Keui. 

55. Fragment of inscription relating to philosophers. Ath. Afittk. xxix. 299, 

/.U.S. XXIV. 27 (25). Eski Manyas. 

56. Latin fragment '. Gedeon 89, pi. ii. la Marmara. 

57. Votive (?) inscr. of Gabilla. Perrot i. 98 (60}. Mihallitch. 

57 1. (A£f{ci Upoicotfvffaos r^ aZttvt, etc.) fiios 'FXh/vofiv. I. 275. Marmara. 

58. (...ttv dia t6v Btlt¥ Ttfiipiotf.) Hamilton 370, Le Bas 1762, Rev. Arch. 

N. S. XXXIV. 108 (5). Eski Manyas. 
58 A. Fragment of doubtful provenance. C/.(7. 3659^ 

^ Leqnien, Onens Xt. xxiii. 

' X.-XI. cent. This bishop is unknown to Lequien, nor does he figure in the 
fuller list dmwn up by Nicodemus. 

* Lio in Lequien (vii.). 

^ Sepulchnd of Mandron Mnesiptolemi, Wilamowitz Nordicn. Steim 64 (sa)*. 

* 'Ayo^ r^X9 I Tocf dira|p]a0'iy. 

* KaI. lannar. Sergio Saturnino et Aurel... (consuls?). 
' Lucas prints this under Cyzicus and Eski Shehr. 


59. Indecipherable. CJ.G. 3696. Pasha Liman. 

60. Fragment relating to mysteries (?). J.H,S. xxili. 77 (9). Cyzicus. 

61. (irp«mf I rfxcuu.) J.H.S. XVII. 270 (7). Aboulliond. 

62. Byzantine fragment. J.H.S. xxiv. 24 (7). Mihallitch. 

63. „ „ J.H.S. XXIV. 24 (15). Ulubad. 

64. M „ Sestini, Z///. Odap. 1. 86^ /.//l^: XXiv. 24 (16). 
Issiz Khan. 

65. Fragment Rev. Arch. N, S. xxiv. 106 (2). Esld Manyas. 

66. n Gedeon 38. Gera. 

67. „ >. Sfyo^oMir I. 328(6), ^.C/r. XXIV. 874(17). Kalolimno. 

68. n /./^. J*. XVII. 268 (I). Tachtali. 


I. Provenance of Inscriptions. 

AbouUiond (Apollonia): ill. 2, 8, 9, 30, 38, 39, 45; iv. 10, I5t, 16, 63; v. 19, 

21, 34, 61, 82, loi, 120, 150, 163, 168, 172, 212, 2i9t6, 233, 238, 245, 251, 

252, 271, 274, 293, 296tt, 3i5> 316, 317, 335* 341-5; vi. 22, 23, 27, 61. 
Aidinjik: ll. 18; ill. 31, 42 ; iv. 2, 7, 84; v. 6, 27, 44, 59, 68, 72, 84, 86, 93, 

117, 149, 156, 189, 202, 207, 218, 221, 226, 227, 259, 261, 288, 297, 327; 

*5. 12,25,32; VI. I. 
Aivalu D^r^ (near Sari Keui) : v. 58. 
Akcheler (near AbouUiond) : vi. 9, 11. 
Aksakal (near Pandemia): v. 25, 185, 307. 
Alexa (near Manyas): Ii. 26; iv. 78 ; v. 15, i64t, 19a 
Alpat Keui (near Kermasti) : in. 52. 
Apbtoni (Marmara): iv. 91. 
Aphysia, I. : v. 224 ; 4>3it. 
Artaki : I. 8 ; 11. 16, 23 ; ill. 5 ; iv. i, 75 ; v. 3, 8, 12, 133, 138, 157, 160^ I7i» 

196, 254, 266, 286, 295, 32$ ; ifiio, II ; VI. 18. 
Assar Alan : v. 14, 322. 
Assar Kaleh (near Omar Keui, 2) : v. 1^134 1. 
Assar Keui (near Bigaditch) : in. 22 ; v. 141, 151, 191. 
Balia Bazar (Argiza) : in. 16 ; I v. 33. 
Balia Maden : in. 18 ; iv. 8, 9 ; v. 282. 

Balukiser : iv. 31 ; v. 10, 13, 73, 82+, 153, 188, 193, 232, 334 ; iii24t ; Vl. 26. 
Beychiftlik (Yalichifdik ?) : v. 312. 
Bey Keui (near Kebsud) : v. 128. 
Bigaditch ; in. 12 ; iv. 74 ; v. 35, 106, 134. 
Bighashehr : iv. 56 1 ; v. 94, 283. 
Boghaz Keui (Kara-d^r^) : iv. 6. 
Boyuk Tepe Keui (Upper Granicus) : iv. 60. 
Chai Keui (near Kebsud) : v. 278. 
Chakyrdja (near Manyas): iv. 12+ ; v. 323 f; ii«5t. 
Chamandra (near Mihallitch): v. 194; vi. 5. 
Chaoush Keui (near Gunen): v. 6; v. 136, 178. 

„ „ (near Balukiser) : vi. 78. 

„ „ (Kara-d^rd) : v. 204, 262. 
Charik Keui (near Artaki) : i. 12, 13. 


Chatal Aghil: V. 124. 

Chavutzi (lower Aesepus): 11. 22. 

Chq)ne (near Manyas): vi. 10. 

Chesli Keui (near Mihallitch): v. 136. 

Chinar Bunar Kaleh (near Gunen): v. 36. 

Chorduk (near Kermasti) : v. 249. 

Cyzicus: I. 1, 2, 5, 6, 9, 11, 14, 20, 22, 23, 24; il. 1-7, 9-"» "A?, 13, 14, 
17, I9> 20; III. 1, 3, 15, 20-24, 27, 29, 34, 35, 37, 40, 41 ; IV. 3. 5i 34i 3^, 
37i 39, 39A?, 50> SU S^t 68-70^ 76, 80, 81, 83, 85, 86; v. 9A, 16, 21 1, 24, 
26, 37» 39» 62, 66, 71, 77, 85, 87, 96, 97, 103, 107-111, 11$. "6, I40» iS5f 

159, 161, 174-6, 179, 182, 184, I96a?,203, 208, 209,2I9ti, 2I9t«, 2I9t8, 

2i9t,o, 222, 223, 235, 256, 263, 267, 269, 276, 289, 303+, 305, 30^11, 
314, 321, 322, 333; *i-7, 9i «o» «4i i7i 2it, 28; VI. 17, 19-21, 24, 
28+, 28t+, 29-32, 35A?, 37, 45. 6a 

Debleki (near Pandemia): iv. 4; v. 69, 210, 281 ; 4>24; vi. 2, 3. 

Demir Kapu : v. 308. 

Diaskeli (ȣskil Keui g,v.\ 

Diavati (Kapu Dagh): v. 244, 324 

Dimetoka: iv. 22; v. 173. 

Egri-d^rtf (Kapu Dagh) : v. ii(8. 

Elbislik: V. 2. 

Elles Keui: v. 162. 

Erdek, see Artaki. 

Ergileh (near Manyas): v. 32, 47, 52, 118, 216. 

Ernieni Keui (Kapu Dagh): I. 25; HI. 14; iv. 35, 58; v. 79, 102, 146, 180, 

237, 241, 243, 2S3, 294; VI. 33-35- 
Eskil Keui (-Diaskeli g,7/.): v. 67, I99t. 
Eski Chatal (near Manyas) : v. 152. 
Eski Manyas: I. 10, 19; III. 28, 33, 48 ; iv. 47, 48(?); V. 54, 154, 167, 230; 

VI. SS» S8, 6s. 
Cera, I. : v. 332 ; vi. 66. 
Gunen : ill. 47 ; iv. 17-21, 51, 56, 66, 82 ; v. 42, 51, 95, 99, 137, 192, 219^, 

250; VI. 39. 
Hadji Pagon (near Manyas): v. 45, 187 (see iv. 67). 
Halone, I. (• Pasha Liman): I. 26; iv. 24, 73; V. 248, 265 ; vi. 52, 59. 
Hammamli (Kapu Dagh): v. 131, 166, 197, iiii9. 

„ (near Manyas) iv. 38, 88; v. 126. 

Haraki (Kapu Dagh): iv. 61 ; vi. 13. 
Haskeui : i. 4. 

Hodja Bunar: iv. 28; vii. 98. 
Houklia (Halone): i. 26; v. 265; vi. 52. 
Ilidja Keui (Kara-d^rd): iv. 25, 92; v. 88, 206. 
Ingeji (Avunia): v. 213. 
Issix Khan: vi. 64. 
Kalami (Kapu Dagh): v. 100^ 130, 231, 269, 319, 328. 


Kalolimno, I.: IV. 79, 93; v. 83, 164, 214, 260, 319, 333+, 333++; vi. 67. 

Karabogha: iii. 10, 11 ; v. 74, 114, 257. 

"Kara Dagh" ( = Kurshunlu?): v. 2x7. 

Kara Oghlan (near AbouUiond); vi. 15. 

Katatopo (Kapu Dagb): v. 91, 296, 306; vi. 28. 

Kavak (near Gunen) : iv. i6t, cf. 17—21 incL, 56(?), 66(?). 

Kavak Keui (near Kermasti): iii. 19; v. 9; i{(2iti'. 

Kazak Keui (near Manyas) : v. 234. 

Kebsud; i. 27 ; v. 18, 22, 55, 75» I2i> 127, 132, 205, 2i9t9, 240, 272, 273, 337, 

Kermasti: Iii, 25, 43, 51; iv. 72; v. 7, 56, 65, 124, i67t, 169, I75t, 182+, 

I95+I 235+1 280; V. 23+, S3. 
Klazaki (Marmara): v. 321. 
Koghanjik (Ida) : vi. 8. 
Koum Liman (Kapu Dagh): v. iiii3. 

Kouvouklia (near Aboulliond) : v. i66f, 223f , 246f , 263t, 285t. 
Kursbunlu (Kara Dagh g.v.): v. 57, 92, 177, 239, 4>23. 
Langada (Kapu Dagh): v. i, 80, 229, 242, 264, 296, 330^ |iii8, 21, 26. 
Mahmun Keui (near Pandemia) : iv. 23 (?) ; v. 63. 
Manyas (near) : iv. 41-49. See also Eski M., Yeni M. 
Marmara: 11. 24, 25 ; iv. 55; v. 64, 104, I59t; vi. 56, 57! 

„ I. : III. 46, 76, 90^ 122, 2i9t4, 246, 255, 270; iii9, 22t; vi. 25. 
Melde (Miletupolis) : iii. 7, 2ot, 3ot, 51, 53; vi. 38? 
Mendoura (near Balukiser) : v. 292. 
Mihallitch: III. 6; iv. 12, 24, 64, 67?; v. 41, 48, 53, 60, 123, 143, 183, 198, 

236, 247, 258, 275, 290, 296+, 301, 318, 320, 323; 1J126, 29; VI. 7, 57, 

Mihaniona (Kapu Dagh): i v. 71; v. 105. 
"Nicaea": in. 20 a, 38 a. 
Nusrat (near Kebsud) : v. 17, 298. 
Omar Keui (near Panderma) : vi. 4. 

„ „ (near Susurlu): iv. 26; v. 530; vi. 8a 
Palatia (Marmara): v. 89. 
Panderma: i. 10; 11. 15 ; ill. 36; iv. 13-15, 27, 29, 32, 49, 53, 65, 77 ; v. 5, 

3o» 38, 43. 46, 129, 135, 165, 186, 199, 200, 216, 219, 22s, 228, 268, 278, 

285, 287, 291, 3a>» 303 ; *3. 16. 30; VI. 16, 31, 44+. 
Papas (Marmara): vi. 10, 53. 
Pasha Liman: see H alone. 
Peramo (Kapu Dagh): il. 12; iv. 59; v. 4, 22a 
Pomak Keui (near Gunen) : v. 44t, vi. 54 1. 
"Porta" (Ida): vi. 6+. 
Porto Paleo (Kapu Dagh): iv. 61. 
Prasteio (Marmara): ill. 13; v. 31, 181; 1^113+. 
Redzeb (near Kebsud) : v. 339. 
Sari Keui (Zeleia): i. 16, 17, 18; ll. 21; iv. 30^ 62; v. 70, 139, 211, 2i9ts. 


Sazli-d^r^ (near Pandemia) : v. 50. 

S. George, I.: v. ^4. 

Stengel Keui (near Bighashehr): I v. i8t. 

Susurlu: iv. 54; v. 81. 

Sygc: V. ii4t. 

Tachtali (Caesarea?): III. 21 f; v. i{ii8t, 2<)f; vi. 68 1. 

Tekke Keui (near Kebsud): v. 201 ; vi. 16. 

Triglia: ill. 32; v. 28, 40, 147, 170, 284. 

Ulubad: I. 7. I5; "i- 49; *v. 40. ^7; V. 142. 145, 329, 336; v. +34; vi. 

Yalichiftlik (near Triglia, see also Beychiftlik) : iv. 64!; v. 244 1, 326. 
Yappaji Keui (Kapu Dagh): v. 20, 49; 4*15, 20; vi. 45 f. 
Yeni (Bulgar) Keui (Kara-d^r^: v. 313. 
Yeni Manyas: ill. 53. 
Yenije (Kara Dagh) : iv. 89 ; v. 23, 90, 215 ; •i>2, 33. 

„ (near Pandemia): v. 195. 
Yeni Keui (Kapu Dagh): I. 3; ll. 8; ill. 26, 50; v. 33, 119, 158, 279; ^6, 

30; VI. 52. 
Yera, I.: v. 332; vi. 66. 
Yildiz (near Susurlu): v. 2i9t„ 302. 
Uncertain : 

{a) Site between Manyas and Balukiser: iv. 32-38 (39, 40?). 
(6) Unknown or disputed provenance: 11. 12 a; ill. 20A, 26A, 38 A; iv. 48A, 

S6a; v. 9A, 26A, 162A, i73At X78A, 19SA, 196A, 196B, 23SA, 247 A, 

280 A, 293 A, 301 a; VI. 38, s8a>. 

2. Latin and Bilingual Inscriptions. 

20; in. 1, lOk 1 1, SI ; V. 84, 891 154, a«9+i» 254, 258, 336; vl 2, 3-6, 16, 56. 
(Greek inscr. in Latin characters: v. 178.) 

3. Metrical Inscriptions. 

in. 21 +, 25, 31, 35; IV. 36, 69, 71 ; V. &, 25, 26, 56, 69, 77, 7^ «7. 93. io7, 
111, 132, 148, 161, 175 1, 184, 209, 272, 27S, 278, 306-16; 1J133; VL 18, 

4. Suggested New Readings. 

IL 1$; ML 14, 44, 46; IV. 5, 15, 16, 401 56; V. 51, 64, 65, 76, 139, 146, 180, 
219+4, 221, 224, 246, 265, 29S. 3001 3i>. 335; *i3t, 22, 22+, 24, 30^ 31, 
3it; VL II, 12. 

* See also Foreign Inscrr. Bnua^ ffenuUa, 



5. Cyzicene Games and Festivals. 

Anthesteria, i. 5. 

Asclepiea, ill. 40. 

Commodea, Foreign Inscrr. Nea- 

polls (i). 
Commune Asiae, ili. 22, 37, Foreign 

I nscrr. Aphrodislas (2), Ephesus ( i ), 

Karabaulo^ Neapolts (i), Ronie{'£). 
Dionysia, i. 5. 
Drusilla (games of), i. 13. 
Hadrian (games of, in Proconnesus), 

II. 24. 

Heroa, I. 10. 

Olympia, ll. 17; ill. 17, 3»i 34. 37; 

Foreign Inscrr. Heraclea (2). 
Panathenaea, I. 12. 
Philetaerea, 11. 19. 
Soteria (of Kore), Foreign Inscrr. 

Delos^ cf. Heraclea (2), Uphv Koprfg 

Soteria and Muciea, I. 19. 

6. States and Citizens mentioned in Cyzicene Inscriptions. 

Abdera, in. 511-. 

Alexandreus, v. 7. 

Alexandria, l. 10. 

Antandrius, I. 3. 

Apameus, ill. 31. 

Apri, V. 107. 

Argiza, ill. 16. 

Armenia, ill. 51. 

Athenienses, v. 90, no. 

*' Caesariani," v. 139. 

Cardiani, v. 26. 

Cymaeus, in. 37. 

Cyzicene, v. Si 7. 

Cyzicenus, in. 46. 

Cyzicus, 1. 18</(?) ; in. 46, 47 ; iv. 28, 

95; V. 9Si 1 59+. 
Ephesius, i. 18^. 
Hermioneus, v. 95. 
Laodiceus a Lyco, v. 61. 
Libya, i. 11. 
Macedonia, in. 7. 
Miletopolites, in. 20, 49, vi. 23 1. 
Miletupolis, v. 56; vi. 7. 

Mirupolis, v. •ii22t. 
Nicomedensi, v. 18, v. 76. 
Nicopolites, v. 221. 
(Panticapaeeus, i. 2?) 
Parii, I. 5. 

Pergamenus, v. 59, 221 1. 
Pericharaxis, in. 18. 
Pericharaxites, v. 10. 
Phryges, i. 16. 
Poemaneni(?X v. 192. 
Poemanenum^ vi. 7. 
Proconnesius, i. 18^. 
Proconnesus, vi. 57. 
Ravennas, v. 87, 
Rhodii, I. 6. 
Romani, in. i, 14, 24. 
Seleucia Isauriae, v. 95. 
Smymaea, iv. 63. 
Syras, v. 219 1^. 
Thurieus, i. 18 (d), 
Thyatirenus, in. 22, cf. iv. 32. 
Zeleitae, v. 26 a. 

Honorary citizenships enjoyed by athletes, in. 17, 22, 37, 41. Village- 
names are collected above, p. 291. Relations with the Thracian royal 
house, I. 12, 13, 14; in. 24; iv. 69: with the kings of Cappadocia (?), 11. 22. 


7. Foreign Inscriptions relating to Cyzicus and Cyzicenes. 

Aphrodisias. (i, 2) CJ.G. 3782-3, Inscrr. mentioning M. Ulpius Car- 
minius Claudianus logisUs at Cyzicus'; (3) CJ.G, 2810^ Asiatic games 
at Cyzicus. 

Athens. {\) I,G. I. 37, 224 fT., Hellespontine tribute lists; (2) I.G, il. 434* 
Proxeny of (anon.) Cyzicene ; (3) I.G, 11. 448, Eumenes Stratii (boxer) 
of Cyzicus, victorious at Thesea ; /.C7. ll. ; Tombstones of (4) (2893) 
Dexicrates Dexiae of Zeleia, (5) (3106) Aphrodisius Pai,(6) (3107) Nicon 
Heraei, (7) (3108) Theodorus Demetrii, of Cyzicus, (8) (3278) Carcinus 
Aeneti, (9) (3279) Molpothemis Hecatoclis of Proconnesus, cf. 2825, 
2826 Apollonians (?a Rhyndaco); (10) LG, ill. 77, Inscr. from statue 
of Hadrian erected by Cyzicenes; (11) LG. in. 129, Athlete of Sinope, 
victor at Cyzicene Olynipia; (12) /.G. III. Tombstones of (13) (2530) 
Alexander Dionysii, (14) (2531) Eveteria Asclepiadae, (15) (2532) [anon.], 
of Cyzicus. 

Attouda. B,C.N, XI. 348, Inscr. mentioning Carminius Claudianus*. 

Carthaia (Ceos). B.C.H. xxx. loi, Proxeny of (anon.) Cyzicene. 

Ceos. Ath* Mittk. IX. 27$, Proxeny of (anon.) Cyzicenes and Proconnesian. 

Chios. Momt. «. Bi^X. 11. 37, pv', Tombstone of Dionysodonis Hephaestionis 
of Cyzicus. 

Corinth. AJ.A, vii, 29 (3), (anon.) Cyzicene. 

Delos. Dittenberger, SylL^ 791, Oracle of Apollo to Cyzicenes, prescribing 
festival of Kore Soteira. 

Delphi. B.CJi, vi. 454, Oracle of Apollo to Cyzicenes, prescribing sacrifice 
to Poseidon Asphaleius and Ge Karpophoros. 

Demetrias. /. G. II 83, Sepulchral inscr. of Pengenes Perigenis. 

Ephesus. (i) C/.C7. 2981, Honorary inscription of (anon.) procurator set 
up by the government of Apollonia ad Rhyndacum \ (2) B. Af. Inscrr. 
DCXI. (Wood 60 (14)) Asiatic games at Cyzicus. 

Heraclea Perinthus. (i) Dumont 378 (64a), Honorary inscr. of M. 
Ulpius Senecio Saturn inus set up on behalf of Cyzicus by the Sito- 
phylax M. Aur. Amerimnus'; (2) ibid. 392 (7^s)»Atk, Afiiik, vill. 
219 (49)t Games of Kore and Hadrian at Cyzicus. 

I LION, (i) Dorpfeld, Ilion 1 1. 466 (32) \ Vote of thanks to troops sent from 
Poemanenum to Ilion 80 B.C., under Nicander Menophili ; (2) ibid 
465 (24) ^CJ.G, 3598, Honorary inscription of A Claudius Caecina 
(Pausanias?) of Cyzicus, logistes at Ilion*. 

Karabaulo. P.A.S. hi. 413, Asiatic games at Cyzicus. 

> Cf. below (Aitcuda), * Cf. above (Aphrodisias {\)Y 

* See Inscr. IL 17 (aC./.C?. 3665) for thi» person, and cf. C./.6\ 6837 (Venice). 
The Perinthut inscription is given to Cyzicus by Dessau, ProsoppgrapAia* 538. 

* -Schliemann, //i«/, 636, Ar^h. Zeti, xxx. 57, yf.-£. Mttik, XV. 8. 

* Cf. Inwr. lit. SI. 


Larisa. (i) LG. 528, (Anon.) Cyzicene victorious in boys' stadion ; (2) iHd. 

776, Sepulchral inscr. of Apollodorus Aglaophontis. 
Magnesia Mae. Kern. 180, P. Aelius Aristomachus xystarch at Cyzicus. 
MessaNA. CJ,G. 405 (Kaibel 643), Epigram on Cyzicenes buried by Aur. 

Miletus, (i) CJ.G, 2855, 2858, Voiive offerings of Cyzicenes to Milesian 

Apollo* ; (2) Dittenberger, SylL^ 225, Estates of Laodice on the Aesopus. 
Neapolis. C.LG. Ital. 738 (cf. 755^), Asiatic games and Commodea at 

Olbia. C.LG. 2059 (Latyschev 18), Cyzicenes and other foreign communities 

crown Theocles. 
Olympia. Inscr. 463, Honorary inscr. of P. Aelius Crispinus Metrotimus, 

(honorary?) Cyzicene. 
Orchomenus. Cl.G. 1583, LG. vii. 3195, Perigenes Heraclidae flute* 

player of Cyzicus victorious at Charitesia^ 
Oreus. Dittenberger, Syll.% 494, Proxeny of Cyzicene. 
Pergamon. Franckel, 248 (Dittenberger, SylL^^ 331). Letters of Attalus III 

to Cyzicenes. 
Philadelphia. CJ.G. 3428, Olympia at Cyzicus. 
Prusa. Rk. Mus. XXVII. yi^mmA.'E. Mitth. vn. 170, Inscription relating 

to a siege by Mithradates and mentioning his defeat at Baris^. 
Rhodes, (i) L.G. xii. ii, List containing the name of ...odotus of Cyzicus; 

(2) LG. Xii. 127, Nicasion of Cyzicus, a benefactor; (3) LG. xil. 870, 

Tombstone of Menodorus Menodori of Cyzicus. 
Rome, (i) LG. Ital. 1297, Chronological table mentioning Mithradatic 

war; (2) LG. Ital. iiii, .Agonistic inscr. mentioning tragic and comic 

competitions at Cyzicus. 
Samothrace. CI.G. 2157, 2158, Monuments commemorating the rela- 
tions of Cyzicus with the sanctuary of the Cabiri^ 
Seleucia (Ciliciae). Michel 555, Cyzicene proxeny-decree in favour of a 

SiGEUM. C.LG. 8, etc.. Stele dedicated by a Proconnesian. 
Tanagra. LG. VII. 523, Proxeny of Diodotus Heraclidae Cyzicene. 
Thespiae. (i) LG. VII. 1760, Victory of Perigenes Heraclidae* Cyzicene 

flute-player; (2) LG. vn. 1765, Victory of Apollodorus ApoUodori Cyzi- 
cene in boys' stadium. 
Thyatira. C.LG. 3497, Antonius Claudius Arignotus, ruocorus of Cyzicus. 
Tralles. (i) B.C.H. xxviii. 86 (7), Hadrianea at Cyzicus; (2) Und* (11), 

Games (anon.) at Cyzicus. 

^ Cf. Inscr. v. 138. ' Cf. also for Milesian relations of C Dittenberger, Syll^ 763. 
s Cf. below (Thespiiu). 

^ The stone is very probably of Cyzicene origin : Cyzicene marbles were used as 
building materials at Bnisa in the fifteenth century (Cyriac). 

• Cf. also B0rl. Mber. 1855. 616, Ath. Mitth. xvin. 355. 1-5. 

* See above {Orchomtnui). 



8. Foreign Games mentioned in Cyzicene Inscriptions. 

Athens: Hadrianea, iii. 23. 
Byzantium: Sebasta, 111. 34. 
Chalcedon: Pythea, in. 34. 
Ephesus: Barbillea, iii. 37. 

„ Ephesea, in. I7i 44. 
Nicopous(?): Arcia(?), v. 221. 
Pekgamon: Augustea« in. 17. 

Olympia, in. 34. 

Traiania, in. 17. 

(?) Soteria and Muciea, 
I. 19. 




Pergamon : cf. also KH- 25. 
Perinthus: Pythiai ^n. 34. 
Pisa: Olympia, ui 34- 
Rome: Capitolia, 11 1* 34* 
„ Epinicia, vU 22. 
Smyrna : Commune Asiae, 

„ Olympia* ni. 17. 
Tralles: Olympia, Hi. 22. 


(Early ill. cent.) i. 20". 


(a) Republican Period. 

1. Archons. Maeandrius. (vi. cent. B.c.) i. i. 

Hermodorus. (Early iv. cent) ii. 20. 

2. HiPPARCHS. Euphemus Leodamantis'. (Late iv. cent.) i. 21. 

Gorgippides ApoUonii*. 


Phoenix (also iv. ^6). 



Cyano? ii. 13. 

Antigenes Hermagorae^. ll. — i. cent. B.C C.I.G, 2157. 

Ath, Mitth. XVIII. 363 (4). 
Aristander ApoUophanis. i. 6. 
Demetrius Lysiclis*. iv. 40. 
Dionysius. iv. 23, i. 23 (?). 
Eumenes Aristandri'. iv. 82, cf. ii. 22. 
Hestiaeus Poseidonii'. iv. i. 
Hetaerion Eumnesti^. C.LG, 2158. 
Hipponicus Lysagorae. Conze, Samotkrake^ pi. LXX. 

To these are probably to be added : 


11. 21. 


And possibly 

Stratius Stra[tii (?)]. 

C. lulius, C. f., Ariobarzanes (second term of office). 

Polyeidus [Aristagorae ?]. 

Stratius Stratii (second term of office). 

Polyeidus [Aristagorae] (second term of office). 

Eumenes Aristandri'. 

Pytheas Pytheae. 

Eubius Diod[ori] (third term of office). 

Polyeidus Arista[gorae]. 

Olympiodorus Antig[enis]. 

^ Cyzicene inscriptions are cited by their Catalogue numbers. 

> li. 22. 








Theognetus '. 46 B.C. ? iv. 3. 

Bulides Metrodori. iv. 3. 

Bospon'. i. II. 

Hegesias. i. 8. 

Pel s(i stratus ?). t. 9. 

Aristagoras Arignoti (about 40 B.C.). 

Menestheus Polyeidi. iv. 7a 

L. Vettius Rufus*. iv. 89. 

IV. 4. 

11. 24. 

(^) Imperial Period. 

Tiberius. Pausanias Eumenis. i. 12. 

Drusus Caesar (Germanici f. ?). iv. 28. 
Caligula. Gaius Caesar (Caligula) ^ i. 13. 

Hestiaeus Themistonactis^ i. 14. 
( 1st cent A.D.) Claudia Ptolemais*. vi. 3a 
Hadrian? Terentius Donatus and Vibius Amphictyon*. ii. 1. 

Claudius Decianus (Euneos?). \ 

Hermodorus Apollonii. 

Theocritus Tbeocriti. 

Antoninus ? Caesar. 
Antoninus. Claudius Hestiaeus' (second hipparchate). Imhoof, /T/. if/. 

25 (5). 
M. Aurelius? Claudius Eteoneus' (cf. Aristid. i. 126). i. 24. 

(ist Neocorate.) Claudius Chaereas* (sixth hipparchate). ii. 4. 

„ (seventh hipparchate). ii. 5. 

n (eleventh hipparchate). ii. 8. 

Alex. Sbvbrus. Claudia Bassa'. ii. $• 

Aurelia Menelais^ ii. 17. 

(Her father, Aur. Menelaus, the Asiarcht is strategus 

on a coin of Alexander.) 

(2nd cent A.D.) Ti. Claudius Eumenes'. i. 2^. 

lulius Maior*. ii. 18. 

? Victojrina (fifth hipparchate) and Nonia Quarta^ v. 28^ 



> iwi lvwdpx*tf. 






A. Cyzicus. 

DOMITIAN. Ti. Claudius Hagnias. BM. 211. M. 162, 164. MS. 208. 
Trajan. Fuscus (proconsul, see Waddington Pastes iii A.U.C 712). BM. 

212. M. 166. MS. 2i8-2a 
lulius Glaucus. M. 167. MS. 216-7 (in my collection). 
Hadrian. L. Aurelius Antoninus (proconsul, 135 a.d. see Waddington, 

Fastes^ 135, Vit, Anion, 3). Coll. Wadd. 730. 
Ti. Claudius Euneds (cf. Inscr. iii. 35). BM. 214. Coll. 

Wadd. 73a I KM. p. 25 (11). M. 174. MS. 222, 227. 
Apu(leius) Sabinus. BM. 213. M. 170? MS. 224. 
G. lulius? Seleucus (cf. Inscr. vi. 13). M. 172 (APXH- 

Severus ? (see below). M. 172. 
Antoninus. Aulus' (Claudius Caecina Pausanias?, strategus in Inscr. 

i. 24, cf. iii. 21 and Foreign inscrr. (//ion)), BM. 216 
(AYAOY— a worn coin). M. i8a 
Claudius Hestiaeus (hipparch in MS. 243. (IKM. 25 (13).))- 
Severus (see below). M. 179. ETTI CTPA CEB. 
M. Aurelius. L Aurelius', Asiarch. MS. 281, cf. Commodus. 

Qaudius Hestiaeus. BM. 

Naevius Quintus. BM. 293. M. 195 (cf. Commodus). 
M(?) Claudius Mu(cianus.^) Severus. (?cf. Waddington 
Fastes 143, CJ,G, 4033, 4034.) M. 196. MS. 266, 
284-7, 282-8. 

^ British Museum Catalogue, Mysia. Coll. ^zM, = lnveMtaire de la 
Collection IVaddingUm. IKM. ^ImhooU A'la'nasiatiscAe Afunzen. IMG.=:Imhoof, 
Monnaus Grecquis, M.sMionnet. MS. ^Mionnet, Supplement. 

' Strategi place the praenomen only on coins in at least two cases at Miletu- 
polis q.v. 

» Vcrus? 


COMMODUS. Q. Naevius(Maxiiniis?). BM. 24a NAIBIOYKYINTOY. 

MS. 35a 
T. Aelius Eteoneus. BM. 237. 
Caecilianus Alupianus. BM. 236. Coll. Wadd. 74S. 
Aur(elius) Meidias. MS. 349. Mionnet suspects this 

(which 1 have seen) as a bad reading of 
L. Aurelius, Asiarch. MS. 348. (Cfl above under M. 
Severus. lulius Euporus. MS. 366. 

D. Alfius Modestus. BM. 247. MS. 365. 
Caracalla. Aelius Onesiphorus. Coll. Wadd. 753. M. 216-7. MS. 38a 

Numi(cius ?) Zoilus. Coll. Wadd. 752. 
Macrinus. T. Varius? Phoebus. BM. 259. M. 223 (CTPOYAPOY). 

MS. 385; 
Elagabalus. Aurelius Sophistes. M. 226. 

Lepidus (c£ Gordian III. below). MS. 398. 
Sev. Alexander. Aurelius Aristiades. BM. 263. 

(Aurelius) Menelaus (cf. Inscr. ii. 17) in my collection. 
Aurelius Prodicus. M. 228. 
lulius Secundus. Coll. Wadd. 755. 
Socrates. MS. 412. 
G. Flavius Trophimus. BM. 264. 
Gordian III. P. Aelius Artemidorus (Asiarch). Coll. Wadd. 762. MS. 

Lepidus. BM. 271-2. ColL Wadd. 759. M. 232, 237. 

MS. 4y>-h cf. 432. 
(lulius) Secundus. MS. 429. 

Num(icius?) Seleucus. I KM. 27, 19. Coll. Wadd. 760-1. 
Philip. Aurelius Severus Agathemerus. BM. 274-5. M. 239. MS. 436. 
Aurelius Alexander. Coll. Wadd. 763. 
Aurelius lu... MS. 436. 
Valerian'. ApoUoniades. M. 24a Wadd. ColL 764. (Cf. MS. 444 

AEONIAOY and below Apoliomdis temp. Gallieni.) 
Socrates. MS. 446. Cf. 44s* 
Gallienus. Asclepiades. MS. 460^ 461. ColL Wadd. 77a (Pseudauton. 

BM. 203. M. 140. MS. 193-4) Cf. M. 142 ACKAH- 
Apollonides. MS. 466. (Pseudauton. BM. 204. M. 141.) 
Basileus. (Cra...) BM. 276, 278, 282. ColL Wadd. 767-9. 
Cf. MS. 459, 467, 468 KA, 470 AKIA, 471. (Pseudauton. 
BM. 205. Wadd. ColL 714, 715* M. 146?) 
Aurelius Hermolaus. BM. 275. ColL Wadd. 765. M. 243. 
MS. 463-5. 

> The fiibric of the coins of Valerian and Gallienus is 10 bad that I have bad 
little compunction in fusing manf of Mionnet*! variations. 


Aurelius Mehophilus Andronici. MS. 472. 

Scpt(imius) Ponlicus. BM. 289. Coll. WadA 774. 

Aelius.? Paulus. I KM. 26 (17?). Coll. Wadd. 765. (Pseud- 

atiton. I KM. 27, 17? Coll. Wadd. 713. M. 144.) 
Socrates. MS. 478. Perhaps misread for 
Sostratus. M. 241. (Pseudauton. Coll. Wadd. 712.) 
L. Severus (Mas...). MB. 280. IMG. 613, 171. Wadd. 

Coll. 771-773. (Pseudauton. M. 143. Coll. Wadd. 717, 

Claudius Gothicus. Septimius ? Ponticus. BM. 289. Coll. Wadd. 774. 

M. 232. MS. 489 and 490. 


Vespasian. Ti. Volu(sius?). MS. 620. 

Trajan. P. Licinius Balbus. BM. 8. (Cf. TTO BM. 9. I KM. 29 (2). 

Mionn. 382. MS. 620, 623.) 
Hadrian. Q. lulius Bassus? M. 357. (Cf. KO IKM. 29 (3}.) 

S. AttiliusMilo? M. 356. 
Antoninus. S. Claudius Flavius Diphilus. BM. 11, Coll. Wadd. 9091 

M. 358. 
Aurelius and Verus. Eutyches Alexandri. M. 359. MS. 626. Cf. 

C.LG, 5944. 
COMMODUS. Eutyches Alexandri. BM. 14. M. 363. (Crispina.) 

Sot(erich}us. M. 364. (Crispina.) 
Macrinus. Claudius Nicostratus. M. 36$. 
Elagabalus. Philippus. M. 366. 
GORDIAN III. Aurelius Hermes. M. 368 (in my collection ; cf. NZ. xxxiii. 

Philip. Aurelius Crispus. Coll. Wadd. 912. M. 371. 


Trajan. P....\r(isto)n? Coll. Wadd. 725-6. Cf. Inscr. v. 42 (Gunen). 
COMMODUS. Claudianus Ascle(piadae) Pausanias (cf. Inscr. iv. 67). Coll. 

Wadd. 996. Num, Chrtm. lijiorj^ 441. Pseudauton. 

Z.f,N. iii. 123. 

D. Hadrianutherae. 

Severus. Horatius? Diogenes. BM. 5, 6. Coll. Wadd. 849. M. 147-^ 

MS. 251-4. 
Moschianus. BM. 4. 
Caracalla. Moschianus. M. 149. 


Philip. Aurelius Socrates. Coll. Wadd. 852. IKM. 21 (i). M. 150. 

(Pseudauton. Mner, „{/Vum, Ckron, vi. 91).) 

Of later Roman officials we have scant record ; under Maximian Flavius 
Laodicius, dioecetes of the Hellespont, and Leontius, proconsular governor 
of Cyzicusy are mentioned in the Acta S. Bassae\ and under Licinius 
Poseidonius, governor (praepositus) of Cyzicus, and Zelicinthius, tribune of 
Leg. II. Traiana, in the Acta S, TfuogenisK A few names of eparchs and 
others are mentioned on Byzantine seals and weights'. 

The Bishops of the Hellespontine province are catalogued by Lequien 
and Gams. The Cyzicene and Proconnesian lists have been since con- 
siderably augmented by the researches of Nicodemus and Gedeon 

> Acta SS. Aug. II. • IM. Apr. 19. * Inscrr. VI. 46 ff. 


ACCHIARDI, A. d', and others. On the Geology of Sultan Chair in Atti 

delta Soc, Toscana di Sc, Nat,y Proc. Verb. IX. 1897, 1-41, 142-8, 163-4. 
Addison, C. G. Damascus and Palmyra, London, 1838, I. 287-91. 

Brusa — Gelembe by Balukiser. 
Admiralty (Charts of British). 

948. Sea of Marmora. 

2242. Marmora Is. 

844. Ports of the Sea of Marmora (including Panderma^ Karaboga^ 
PalatiOy Kalolimno). 

884. Artaki Bay (including the isthmus of Cyzicus). 
See also Sailing Directions for the Dardanelles and Sea of Marmora 
(1867 ^d 1882X 
Agamennone, G. // Terremoto di Balikesri del 14 Sett. 1896, in AtH 

delV Accademia di Lincei^ 1899, 365-8. 
(Anonymous.) Der Orient in seinem gegemvartigen Zustand. Wien, 

1840, 97. Note on costume at Marmara (copied from Marcellus q.v.). 
(Anonymous.) See also s.v. Costume, Fuller, Malkotzis, Piickler-Muskau. 
Banks, £. J. Cyzicus in Records of the Past l. 1902, 204-6. 
Ibn Batutah. (Ed. Orient. Trans. Soc.) 73. Pergamus, Balukiser, Brusa. 
Belon, p. Observations sur Plusieurs Singularity, Paris, 1555, 123 

(Marmara), 140 (Map). 
Bittner, a. Trias-petrefakten von Balia in Kleinasien in Jahrb. d. kk. 

geolog. Anstalt. Wien, 1891, 97-116, PH. I.— III. 
Brassey, a. Sunshine and Storm in the East. London, 1880^ 324 fE 

Artaki and Cyzicus (illus. of Amphitheatre). 
Brenner, L von. Ausflugvon Konstantinopel nach Brussa. Wien, 1808, 

53-6. AbouUiond. 

^ I have here aimed at a complete list of published travellers in the country, 
including also such papers on History, Monuments, Numismatics, etc., as seemed 
useful additions. The sources quoted in the section on Roads give some idea of the 
relative value of the various travellers' accounts, many of which are very slight and 
archaeolc^cally valueless. A dagger (f) preceding the author's name denotes works 
I have been unable to consult, an asterisk (*) those that have come to my hands too 
late for incorporation in the text. 


Browne, W. See Walpole, R. 

Bruin, C. de. Rei2en,..door de vermaardsU deelen van Klein AHcu Delft, 

1698 (Engl. 1702), 37. Cyzicus and Marmara Is., Smyrna to Mihallitch. 
BUKOWSKI, G. von. Die geologischen Verhdllnisse der Umgelmng von 

Balia Maden in SiUber. Ak. Wiss. Wien^ CI. 1892, M-N-CL Abth. i. 

Bull, R. The Land of the Shadow in Black and WhiU^ 1897. Feb. 6— 

Mar. 6. Text (on an excursion to Balukiser) valueless: many photo- 
graphs chiefly illustrating village life. 
BUONDELMONTI, C. Liber de InsuHs Archifelagi (1422), ed. de Sinner. 

Lipsiae, 1824; Legrand, Paris, 1897. § 62, Proconnesus. § 63, 

BUKGESS, R. Greece and the Levant. London, 1835, li. iii — 124. Ge- 

lembe — Brusa. 
BURGO, G. B. de. Viaggio di cinque anni etc. Milano, 1686, L 347-8. 

BUSSIERRE, T. R. de. Lettres sur POrient, Paris, 1829, L 163 AT. Pan- 
derma, Cyzicus, Aesepiis, Granicus. 
Carabella, T. In Rev. Arch, N.S. xxxn. (1876) 277 ff., xxxviL (1879) 202. 

(Letters on his excavations at Cyzicus.) 
Castellan, A. de. Lettres sur la Afor^Cy PNellisponty et Constantinople. 

Paris, 1820^ II. 19^1 Marmara Islands. 
Catalan Atlas in Not. et Extr. xiv. 2, 101 ff. 
Caylus, Comte de. Recueil ct Antiquitds. Paris, 1 7 52-67, ilPILLV.—LX XV. 

(Inscriptions from Cyzicus), LVIII.* (Map of S. of Marmara), LVIII.** 

(Amphitheatre). Cf. also Guys, Voy. LitU d la Grice^ Lettre 37. 
Chastel, du. See Savary de Braves. 
Chateaubriand, F. A. de. Itiniraire de Paris d Jerusalem. Paris, t8ii, 

IL 39— 6a Smyrna by Kirkagatch to Mihallitch. 
Chishull, £. Travels in Turkey. London, 1747, 51 flfl 

(i) Brusa to Smyrna by Macestus Valley road. 

(2) Smyrna to Gallipoli overland. 
Choiseul-Goupher passed through Erdek and Cyzicus to Mihallitch 

(see map in Voy. Pittoresque^ Paris, 1842) but did not publish this 

CiCHORIUS, C. Zur Deutung von Catulls Phaselusgedkhi in Festschrift 

f O. Hirschfeld {iqo2^\ 467-^3. (Is ApoUoniatis the locus of Catullus .') 
Clavijo, R. G. de. Embassy to Timur Beg. London (Hakluyt Soc.) 1859, 

p. 28. Kapu Dagh, Marmara, Kalolimno. 
COLQUHOUN, P. The siU and identity of the ancient Cywieus and the 

mediaeval Esquise in Trans. R. Soc. Lit. li s. iv. 349 — 36a 
COQUAND, H. Notice giologique sur les environs de Panderma in Bull, de 

la Soc. GM.^ 1878, 347. 
CORANCKZ, L. A. O. de. Itin^aire d'une partie peu connue de PAsie 

Mineure. Paris, 1816, 437 if. Macestus Valley road. 


CORONELLI, V. Isolario. Venezia, 1696, 281. Marmara Is., Cyzicus. 

(Costume.) The Costume of Turkey, London (Miller), 1802. PL XIII. 
Costume of woman of Marmara, 

COVEL, J. (MS. Journal of his travels in B.M. *) Add, 22,9i4f. 29 ff. Cyzicus, 
Islands, Karabogha. 22,912 f. 254 ff. Constantinople to Smyrna over- 
land, by Macestus Valley, return by Brusa, Triglia etc. 

Crawshay, a. Travels in Asia Minor in Fieldy Aug. 13 — Sept. 3, 1904 
(on an excursion to Balukiser) ; Summer Cruises in the Sea of Marmora 
in Fieldj Sept 16 and 23, 1905 (Marmara, Pasha Liman.) 

CUINET, V. La Turquie d^Asie^ Giographie administrative. Paris, 1890 — 
1900. The Vilayet of Brusa is described in iv. x., xi. ; the Sanjak 
of Bigha in iii. ix. 

Cyriacus (Anconitanus). Description of Cyzicus (1431, 1433), ed. Th. 
Reinach in B, C, H, xv. 520, cf. Colucci, Ant, Picene xv. Ixxxiv. if. 
Visit to Marmara, cf. J. B. de Rossi, Imcrr, XL II. i. 369. N/or 
'EXXijvo/iir^fMBv I. (1904) 275. £. Ziebarth, Eine Inschriftenhandschrift 
i, d Hamburger Stadtbibliothek, Hamburg (Progr.) 1903, 14. 

CyZICENUS, G. *Av<rypa^i} r$ff Kvfticov, 1 825, MS. 4to ppr. ff. 8 1 (with folding 
maps of Cyzicus and the Propontis) in Library of the Chamber of 
Deputies, Athens. Extracts are published with a commentary by 
S. P. Lambros in Ncor 'EXXi^vofivij/icov I. 1904, 72 — 84. 

Dallaway, J. Constantinople Ancient and Modem, London, 1797, 183 ff. 
AbouUiond, Ulubad, Macestus Valley ; 367, Marmara Is. 

Dapper, O. Description exacte des lies de VArchipel, Amsterdam, 1703 
(Flemish ed. 1688), 489 ff. Marmara Is., Kalolimno (compilation). 

Diest, W. von. Karte von WestUchen Kleinasien^ i : 5oo^ooa Berlin, 

DORIGNY, A. S. Poemanios in Rev. Arch. N.S. XXXiv. (1877) 102-9. 

Eski Manyas. 

Obole fun^aire de Cyzique in Rev, Num. 1888, 1-7. 

PhylacUre alexandrine contre les epitaxis in R, E, G. IV. 1891, 

Douglas, Hon. F. N. Travelled overland Constantinople— Smyrna, 181 1. 

Cf. Essay on Certain Resemblances^ etc. London, 181 3, 17. 
Du Fresne Canaye, P. Voyage du Levant [i 577], ed. Hauser. Paris, i897f 

153-4. Panderma. 
«Edhem Bey. Relief votif du Musie Imperial Ottoman in B. C H, XXXII. 

1908, 520-8, PD. v., VI. 
Edrisi, tr. Jaubert in Recueil Soc. G^ogr. 1840, 11. 306. Ulubad, Aghraoh 

Egmont, J. A. van. Reizen door een gedeelte van Europa en Kleinasien. 

Leyden, 1757 (Engl. edn. 1759) 183 ff. Smyrna to Brusa by Macestus 


* SetB.S.A. XII. 211. 



{a) Uipl lifs Kakttvvfiov Stfowf in UXar^p^ X. 188S, 83-9, 246-9. 
{d) £ua<rKtkL, t6 apx^uov AmrcvXior, Md. 156 — 171. 
{c) Utp\ T/uyXuw, dpx*^*^ BpvXXtov, idi'd. 274. 

(if) Htpi rtvtfif apxatorarmv Morwr cV StBvwi^ in 2p)rfip, XII. 1 889, 93 etc. 

(e) norpuipx***"' SiyiXXior, 1788, in Xtvo^Anyr, I. 333—336; (r), (^ and 

{e) are on Triglia and its monasteries, which are ag^ain referred 

to in the author's 02 Bioc r«v 'Ayi»r (Athens, 1895). 

(/) rtpfiawiKoi diroiKim fV BiBvvia * in ZuXXoyor, *E^7/A€pir rov «V *A^yair 

IloXftrueov ZvXXoyov, I. (1888), No. 26. 

Fabricius, E. Archdologische Untirsuchungen in KUinasim in Sitzb, 

BerL Akad, 1894, 909—904- Bigaditch and Ida districts. 
FiTZNER, R. Aus KUinasien und Syritn, Rostock, 1904, 70 ff. Sutistics 

of Panderma, Artaki, Karabogha. 
FONTANIER, V. Voyages en Orient, Paris, 1829, 95 ff. Bnisa to Smyrna 

by Macestus VaJley. 
FOULLON, H. V. Afineralogische und petrographischi NotiMtn Ober Eruptiv- 
gesteint aus der Provinz Karassi in Kleinasien in Jahrb, d, kk. geolog, 
Anstalt Wien, 1882, 32. 
[Fuller, J.] Narrative of a Tour through some parts of the Turkish Empire, 

London, 1829, 50 — 63. Smyrna to Brusa by Macestus Valley. 
Gedeon, M. J. IIp<Kic6rr70'M. Constantinople, 1 895. The Marmara Islands 
(Cf. t*Eiriinc€V^ftr dr *A^evoia» in litoX&yofy Aug. 29, 1893, and t*EfriaKff^4f 
tU'Aytow TtfM6$to¥ in ♦cXoXoyiici) *Hx», I. 1893, 17— 21.) 
Gemelli-Careri, G. F. // Giro del Afondo. Napoli, 1699—1700, 81. 
Smyrna to Brusa by Macestus Valley, 83. Marmara. (Engl, trans, in 
ChurchilFs Voyages^ iv.) 
GerlaCH, S. Tiirckisches Tagebuch, Frankfurt, 1674, 43 01 Pandemia, 
Cyzicus ; 255 (f. Panderma to Brusa ( 1 574). Cf. D. Chytraeus, De Stat. 
EccL Frankfurt, 1580^ 107. 
Greenwell, W. The Etectrum Coinage of Cyzicus in Num. Chron, III s. 

VII. (1887), I— 127. 
Grelot, J. Relation d'un Voyage de Constantinople. Paris, i68a 55, 

Cyzicus. 61-2, Marmora Is. 
Grey, (Capt) F. W. Remarks on the Navigation between.. .the Dar» 
danelles and the Sea of Marmora in Nautical Mag. 1834, 577-8. 
Cyzicus. (Reprinted in F. Smith's translation of Marmont's Turkish 
Empire {\Zy)\ 150-2.) 
Griffiths, J. Travels in Europe^ Asia Minor and Arabia, London, 1805, 

2ia Afesia. 
Hamiltom, M. Incubation. St Andrews, 1906, 208 — 213. Notes on locu* 
bation in the Cyzicus district. 

^ On the political significance of a German colony of 400 500 families established 
near Triglia* I was unable to obtain any confirmation of its existence locally. 


Hamilton, W. J. Researches in Asia Minor, London, 1842, i. 77 ff. Brusa 
to Kermasti, Kestelek etc. 11. 84 ff. Mudania to Aboulliond, Ulubad, 
Cyzicus, Manyas, Susurlu, Kebsud, Bigaditch. Cf. also J. R, G. S. 

1837, 35 ff. 
Hasluck, F. W. The following is a summary of my own routes in the 

district : 

1902. Cyzicus site and neighbouring villages. 

1903. (ci) Panderma, Mihallitch, AbouUiond, Karagatch, Top Hissar, 

{b) Panderma, Ergileh, Eski Manyas, Susurlu, Omer Keui, 

Balukiser, Ilidja, Hodjabunar, Gunen, Panderma. 
(c) Villages of Kapu Dagh. 

1904. (a) Panderma, Gunen, Hadji Pagon, Panderma. 

{b) Panderma, Aksakal, Beykeui, Kermasti, Susurlu, Kebsud, 
Balukiser, Asar-Alan, Kara-d^r^, Ilidja, Balia, Hodjabunar, 
Alexa, Panderma. 

(c) Erdek, Karabogha, Panderma, Brusa. 

1905. {a) Panderma, Alexa, Panderma. 

{b) Panderma, Mihallitch, Triglia, Brusa. 

1906. (a) Mudania, Triglia, Daskeli, Tchatalaghil, Brusa. 

{b) Panderma, Mihallitch, Ulubad, Kermasti, Susurlu, Eski 

Manyas, Yeni Manyas, Aleica, Panderma. 
{c) Panderma, Erdek, Karabogha, Bighashehr, Gunen (coast 

road), Panderma (coast road). 
{d) Akhissar, Gelembe, Soma, Kiresun,. Balukiser, Susurlu, 
Mihallitch, Triglia, Brusa. 
The inscriptions resulting will be found in y.H,S. xxii., xxiii., xxiv., 
XXV., XXVI., XXVII. and B.S^A, xiii. 

Sculptures from Cyzicus in B,S,A, viii. 190—196, Pll. IV.— VI. 

Cf. ibid. XI. 151-2. 

Poemanenum in J,H,S. xxvi. 23—31, PI. VI. 

*Bithynica in B.S,A, xill. 285—308. Triglia, Syge, Caesarea, 

Katoekia, Koubouklia, Kalolimno. 

*TAe Marmara Islands in %/f.S, XXIX. 6—18, Pll. II.— IV. 

Notes on Coin-Collecting in Mysia in Num, Chron. 1906, 26 — 36. 

Cf. ibid, 1907, 440-1. 

A Roman Bridge on tfu Aesepus in B,S.A. Xil. 184 — 189- 

and Henderson, A. E. On the Topography of Cyzicus in JJfS, 

XXIV. 135—143, PI. VI. 

Hawkins (John). Visited AbouUiond (c. 1786-7 with Sibthorp?). Cf. 

Walpole, Memoirs^ 457 and Diet, Nat, Biog. 
Henderson, A. E. The Survey of Cyzicus in Records of the Pasty 

III. 1904. (Photographs of Isthmus, W. postern, hexagonal tower, 

E. wall etc.) 

See also Hasluck and HENDERSON. 


HKRCtS, A. Les Monastires de Bithyniey Medicion^ in Bessariom^ v. 1899, 

HOBHOUSE, J. C A Journey through Albanitu London, 1813, 819. 

Janke, a. Auf Alexanders des Grossen P/aden, Berlin, 1904, chh. tx. — x. 

On the topography of the battle of Granicus (views and plan). 
JERNINGHAM, H. E. H. To and from Constantinople, London, 1873, 

ch. iv. A trip to Cyzicus. (Useless.) 
JUDElCH, W. Bericht iiber tine Reise im Nordwestlichen Kleinasien^ ill. 

Von Tchanak Kalessi nach Brusa in Sitsb. BerL Akad, 1898, II. 

544 — SSS* Priapus, Cyzicus, Mihallitch, Ulubad. (Illus.) 

Die Schlacht am Granicus in KUoy viil. 1908, 372 — 397. 

Skepsis in Festschrift fur H. Kiepert (1898), 225 ff. 

Kandis, B. 'H npoOtro. Athens, 1883, 143, 220 f., 531. Syge, Triglia. 
Keil, B. Kysikenisches in Hermes^ 1897, 505 fT. Routes and chronology 
of Aristides. 

Baris in Rev. de PhiloL 1901, 123-4. 

Kerstsn, G. De Cygico,„quaestiones epigraphicae. Halle (diss.), 1886. 
KlKPERT, H. Memoir uber dic.Karte von Kleinasien, Berlin, 1854, 55, 82. 
Population statistics. 

Das Schlachtfeld am Granicus in Globus ^ 1877, XXXII. 263-4. (Map.) 

Formae Orbis Antiqui^ ix. 1894. 

Specialkarte von IVestlichen Kleinasien^ 1896. 

KlEPERT, R« Die Lage der Bithynischen Stadt Dascylion und des Dascy- 

litischen Sees [map] in Klio^ v. 1905, 241-3. 
KlNNEiR, j. M. Travelled overland from Smyrna to Constantinople 

.(itinerary only) in Journey through Asia Minor^ 1818, 
KiNSRERGEN, J. H. van. (Tr. Sprengel.) Beschreibung des Archipelagus^ 

>793) IS4- Marmara Is. 
Kleonymos, M., and Papadopoulos, Ch. Bi^i^wiL Constantinople, 1867. 

Notes on Triglia, Syge, Pistica. 
Knaack, G. De Nonnullis Fabulis Cyxicenis in Comment. PhiloL in hon, 

SodaliL Gryphiswaldi^ 1887, 33—41. 
Kyzikenos. See Cyzicenus. 
Laborde, a. and L. de. Voyage en Asie Mineure. Paris, 1838, 17 ff. 

Gelembe, Ulubad, Brusa. 
La Boullayk LE Gouz, F. de. Voyages et Observations. Paris, 1653, 1. 24. 


Lam BROS, S. P. 'Ar/cdoror x'i/>oypa^r ir«p4 rrnt Kv^ikov cal r»y *A^;(iuo- 
nTTMr tAriit in NVof '£XXi|yo^y4/A«r, I. 72^88. {See CYZICENUS, G.) 

- and ZOLOTAS, G. TA Aoirdd«or «r InuFKOWfi in Ntor *EXX7ro^ri|/M»r, 
I. 1904, 373-4f 49«— 500- Cf. 99. 239; III. i26-«. 

La Mottraye, A. de. Voyages. London, 1727, I. 470 ff. Marmara Is., 

Artaki, Cyzicus (1710). 
Leahy, E. Afemorandtt of a Vistt to the Site of the Ruins of the Ancient 


City of Sizicus (sic) in Asiatic Turkey in Proc. R. Geog. Soc. 

1858, 376. 
Lebas, p. Voyage Arckiologique. See Reinach, S. and Rev. de PhiloL 

I. 39 ff. (Aboulliond, Ulubad), and ibid, 211 — 216 (Poemanenum). 
Lebruyn, C. See Bruin, C. de. 
Lechevalier, J. B. Voyage de la Propontide et du Pont Euxin. Paris, 

1800, I. iv. Marmara, Cyzicus. 
Legrand, £. Routes followed by in 1889: 

{a) Daskeli, Mihallitch, Pandemia, Bigha, Kemer. 

{b) Troad, Tchan bazar, I nova, Gunen, Panderma. (Radet, £cole 
Franqaise^ 356 note 4. Cf. inscriptions in B,C,H, 1893.) 
Lucas, P. Voyage dans la Grlce et dam PAsie Afineure^ I7I4> I. iv. Artaki, 


Voyage.., fait en MDCCXIV, Amsterdam, 1724, 1. 179—189. Muda- 

nia to Gelembe. 

Luke, J. MS. Journals' in B.M. Shane 3945(2), 3985 (2) (4), 2720(2). 

Smyrna to Brusa (1682). The journal of the return journey (by sea) 

contains notes on Kalolimno, given more fully in Harl. 7021, f. 419. 
Macfarlane, C. Turkey and its Destiny. London, 1850, I. 405 ff. 

Brusa to Mihallitch, Panderma, Erdek, Kapu Dagh, Kazakli', Kermasti, 

AbouUiond [1847-8]. 

The Doom of Turkey. London, 1855. App. 9. On the massacre of 

Albanians at Mihallitch. App. la On the Imperial sheep-farm near 

Macgill, T. Travels in Turkey ^ Italy and Russia. London, 1808, I. 
128 — 138. Smyrna to Mihallitch by Macestus Valley. 

Madden, R. R. Travels in Turkey^ ^Sypl^ etc. (1824 — 1827). London, 
1829, 1. I94ff. Macestus Valley road. 

MaKRIS, K. Ilfpi r»v apxaiW (afuirtfc£v vhariAw r^r tvavn r^r *AfjrdKris 
K€tfA4vffs yffo'idog Ktpdf in IvXkoyos R/irdXcMf, XXIX. (1907) 84. 

MaKRIS, N. Iltpt T&¥ Iptiiruov Tfjv apx<uas Kv(Ikov in SvXXoyor K/iroXf«»ff, 
XVIII. (1883-4) 2Sff. 

MaLKOTSIS, a. Htpi lift X€p<rovvfi<rov Kv^tieov in Scvo^vijff, I. 1896, 250 — 
263 (chiefly educational statistics). An anonymous paper, Tt^paxfuKa 
opta rrj£ KvCUw is printed on 211 — 217 of the same periodical. 

Marcellus, Vicomte de. Souvenirs de P Orient. Paris, 1839, i* i^- 
Note on costume at Marmara; 11. 495—502. Magnesia to Mudania 
by Macestus Valley. 

Marquardt, J. Cyjsicus und sein Gebiet. Berlin, 1836. [A Greek trans- 
lation by Kyrillos Gregoriadis (Constantinople, 1879^ PP- 206) is cited by 
Bursian and by Miliarakis, NfocXX. Tttayp. ^iXoXoyta, 104.] 

Maurice, J. V Atelier Monitaire de Cysique pendant la piriode constant 
tinienne in Zeitschr.f, Num. XXV. 1905, 129— 1 8a 

1 See B.S.A. xii. 309 f. 

^ At p. 475 IT. a full account of the Russian villages of the lake of Manyas. 


^Mendel, G. Catalogue des Monuments Grecs^ Romatns^ ei Byzantifis du 

Musie ImpMai Ottoman de Brousse in B,C.H. XXXiii. (1909) 245—442, 

PU. VII.— VIII. Sculptures !♦, 2», 8* lo* 11, 12, 13, 15* 24, 25, 32, 

33, 37f 43, 54*, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64*, 65, 66, 67, 70», 71, 72, 9«, 9h 

94, 97, 100; Inscriptions 401, 402, 415, 43a 
MiCHAUD, J. F., and Poujoulat, J. J. F. Correspondance de P Orient. Paris, 

1833, II. 95 ff. Karabogha, Artaki, Cyzicus. 
*MlCHON, £. EX'Voto <k Apollon Kratianos in R,E.G. XIX. 1906, 304-17. 
Mining (Balia, Sultan Chair, etc.). See Consular Reports^ Annual Series^ 

2813 {Constantinople and District^ 1901), and s.v. SULTAN Chair. 
MONCONYS, — de. Journal des Voyages de M, de Af. Lyon, 1665, 1. 421 flf. 

Mihallitch to Smyrna. 
MORDTMANN, A. D. Skizzen aus Kleinasitn in Auslemd: 

{a) 1855, 553 etc. (Mudania, Syge, Triglia, YalichifUik, Mihallitch, 
Manyas, Kebsud, Balat etc.). 

{b) 1 856, 649 etc. (Besbicus, Cyzicus, Manyas, Dudar Chiftlik, Balukiser, 

{c) 1857, no etc. (Gemlek, Brusa, Rhyndacus Valley, Balat, Balukiser, 
Upper Aesepus, Bigha, Karabogha, Chardak, with plans of 
Assardagh and Karabogha). 

Ruints de Scepsis en Troade in Rev, Arch. XI. (1855) 767-77a 

(Assardagh with plan.) 

Recherches sur la ville antique de Priapus et sur celle d^Exquise^ 

ibid. XII. 757 AT. (with plan). (Reprinted from ijoum. Asiat, de Con- 
stantinople^ 1852. Cf. Miliarakis, No. 1202.) 

(Population statistics of the vilayet of Bnisa) in Petermaniis Mittk. 

1858, 89. 

MORDTMANN, J. H. La Culte d'Isis d Cyzique in Rev. Arch. N.S. xxxvii. 

1879, 257 ff. 
Morgan, C. Dreissig Tage in Kleinasien^ Reiseskizzen. Wien, 1886, 33 — 38 

Bin Tag in Artaki \ 39—44 Ein Tag am See von Mihallitch. [Useless.] 
MORYSON, Fynes. An Itinerary etc. Glasgow, 1907-8, li. 88. Halone ; 

II. 89, IV. 120, Panderma (1596-7). 
MOUSTIER, A. de, in Le Tour de Monde ^ 1. 1864, 250 etc AbouUiond, 

Ulubad, Kermasti. (IIlus.) 
MUEPFLING, Baron von ( — Fr. von Weiss). Narrative of Missions to 

Constantinople^ etc. London, 1855, 31-2. Smyrna to Mudania. 
MUKRO, J. A. R. Explorations in Mysia in /. R. G. S. 1 897, 1 50 ff., 256 fi 

AbouUiond, Susurlu, Balukiser, Manyas. ( Map and illus.) Cf. Athenaeum^ 

1894 (II.) 361 (No. 3490) »nd 536 (No. 3495)'- 

Gleanings from Mysia in J.H.S. XXI. 229^237. Ida distria. 

M URH ARD, F. Gemdlde des griechischen Archipelagus^ 1. 6 1 — 8 1 . M amuura 
(folk-tale) and Cyzicus. 

^ A set of 45 photographs til u>t rating the expedition is deposited at the library of 
the R. Geogr. Soc. (No. 187). 


Mustafa-ibn-Abd- Allah (Hadji Khalfa). Gihan Numa (i 7th cent.)) trans. 

Norberg, 18 18, IL 477 ff. Mihallitch, Ulubad, Balukiser, Cyzicusetc; 

II. 510. Road system. 
Naumann, £. Vom Goldnen Horn iiach den Quellen des Euphrat. Berlin, 

1S939 73 — 75- Brusa, Kermasti, Susurlu, Kebsud. 
Neumayr, M. Ueber Trias- und Kohlenkalkversteinerungen aus detn Nord- 

westUchen Kleinasiens in Am, d. k, Akad, d IViss. Wien, 1887, 

Pt. XXII. 241-3. 

NiCODEMUS (Metropolitan of Cyzicus). II/MiXcyo/A<va ircpl rrjs ^Eirapxios T^s 

Kv^ijcov printed with 'AKoXovBia rov iv aylots Trarpos ^fi&v Aa/aiXmivov, 

tiruTKoirov r^s Kv(Uov. Constantinople (Patriarchate), 1876. 
Olivier, G. A. Voyage dans V Empire Ottofnan. Paris, 1801, I. 228-9. 

Marmara Is. 
0[R0L0GAS], L 'Exd^/Ai^ diri Ka>voTayr&vovirdXcair cir TptyXgiav Ktii 'AiroX- 

\ȴtdda in ^AoTTfp rov Ilorrov, II. 1 886, Nos. 41-3. [Useless.] 
OUSELEY, W. Travels in ike East. London, 1821, in. 528 f[, Macestus 

Valley road (181 2). 
Palerne, J. PMgrinations. Paris, 1606, chh. xcviii. — xcix. Marmara Is. 
Palmer, J. (the OrientalistX travelled overland from Smyrna to Brusa in 

1806. His MS. notes (at St John's, Cambridge, No. 5 of the Levant 

Series) contain nothing of value for the road^. 
P ASHLEY, R. Travels in Crete. Cambridge, 1837, 11. 70 note : description 

of Karabogha in 1833. ^^- 1* ^^7} ^^^^ 7 (Pala^tia). 
[Paxo. Voyage dans la Marmarique^ 1827 (mentioned by Marquardt as 

inaccessible to him) deals with the Libyan Marmarice.] 
Perrot, G. Souvenirs d*un Voyage en Asie Mineure. Paris, 1864, 89 ff. 

Karagatch, Ulubad, Panderma, Artaki, Kermasti. 

and GUILLAUME, £. Exploration de la Galatie et,.M la Bithynie^ 

I. 73 if. Mihallitch, Cyzicus, Kermasti, PIL III., IV. (map of Cyzicus, 
plan of temple of Hadrian, detail of wallX 

Le Temple d*Hadrien d Cyzigue in Rev. Arch. 1864, ix. 3 So— 360. 

Peyssonnel travelled in the district c. 1735. Cf. Mem. de I* Acad. xxix. 

Pfuhl, £. Das Beiwerk auf den Ostgriechischen Grabreliefs in Jahrb. 

des Inst. xx. 47 — 96. Abb. i, 2, 4 are of Cyzicene monuments. 
POCOCKE, R.* Description of the East. London, 1745, n. 2. 114 ff. Artaki, 

Cyzicus, Mihallitch, Ulubad, Islands, with maps of Cyzicus and the Sea 

of Marmara'. 

^ See J. B. Pearson, Abstract of the Diary offehn Palmer, Cambridge, 1899. 

^ His letters {B. M. Add. MS. 13,998, ff. 98—100) contain a brief joamal of his 
travels in this district but no archaeological details. 

' Pococke's map of the Sea of Marmara is a very detailed piece of work, much in 
advance of contemporary maps. The original was obtained from the chaplain at 
Constantinople (Thos. Lisle) and is probably the one mentioned by D'Anville {Mem. 
Soc, Inscrr. xxviii. 318) as made by a resident It was used again by Lechevalier. 


Prokesch, a. von. Erinnerun^en aus Aegypien und KUinasien, Wien, 

1831, in. 182 ff. Smyrna to Brusa by Macestus Valley; in. 251 flf. 

Cyzicus, Arcaki, Kapu Dagh, Gunen. 
[PUECICLER-MUSKAU, H. L. H. von.] Die Ruckkehr (posthumous). Berlin, 

1846, III. 376 — 402. Akhissar to Brusa. 
Rai>et, G. De Coloniis a Macedonibus in Asiam cis Taurum deductis^ 

Paris, 1892, 10 — II. Poemanenum, Antigonia, ApoUonia. 

and Lech AT, H. Route followed in 1S87: — Edremid, Baliabazar, 

Gunen, Panderma, Cyzicus, Sarikeui, Mihallitch, Brusa. (Radet, icole 
Fran^tiisey 356, note 3. Cf. inscriptions in B,C.H, 1888, 1893.) 

tREGEL, W. Ueber die Stadt Dascylos und den Dascylitisc/un See in 
Joum, des k. Russ. Miuisteriums der Volksau/kldrung. In Russian : 
quoted by Ruge in Pauly-Wissowa s,v. Daskylion^ Bursian, Jakrbuch^ 
1887. The author visited Kurshunlu .(Sigriane) in 1885. (Ktr. Vrem. 

I. 1895. 238.) 

Reinach, S., and Le Bas, F. Voyage ArMologique. Paris, 1888 (a new 
edition of Le Bas with additional plates). On the Cyzicus district see 
1% ff. in the text and Plates: /tin, 41, 42, 44 (view of Ulubad); 45 (do. 
of Lake of AbouUiond); 46 — 48 (maps of lake and town); 48, 49 (views 
of walls): ArcMit II. i, 2 (restoration of the island temple); Afim. Fig, 
133. The first series of plates was published by Le Bas, PIL 44 — 49. 

TiU d^ArUmis en Marbre dicauverte d Cysique in Rev, Arck, 1894, 

II. 282-4, PU. XVII., XVIII. 

Une Basreliefde Mysie in R,E,G, 1900^ 10— 13» PL !• 

Rkinach, T., on the Temple of Hadrian, su s,v, Cyriacus and Acad des 
Inscrr, C, R, 1890, 117, 119; Rev. Critique^ 1890, 240, 260. 

Sur Vkpoque et li Nombre des NiocoreUs de Cynque in Rev. Num. 

VIII. (1890) 244—252. 

lU OH Presqiifief (the isthmus question) in R.E.G. vil. (1894) 


Richter, O. F. von. Waltfakrten im Afargeniande. Berlin, 1822, 410 AT. 

AbouUiond, Mihallitch, Cyzicus, Karabogha (181 5), with engraving of 

the Amphitheatre. 
RlQUET, A. de. MS. Journal (B.M. Add. MS. 34,197) ff. 14—15. Akhissar 

to Brusa by Macestus Valley. 
RuGE, W. Beitrdge tu Topograpkie KUinasiens in Petemumns Mitik. 

xxxviti. (1892) 224 if. Odryses, Cyzicus, Bigha (maps). (The same 

journey is described in Jakresber. d Vereins f. ErdkutuU (Dresden), 

XXMI. 1893, 22—24, 86—89.) 

RUSTAFJASLL, R. de. CyMiats in J.H.S. XXII. 1902, 174 ff., PL XI. 

(Sketch-map and photographs.) 

S , A. OoXoi^ir "Yd/NiyMyciov <V Kv(iKf, Vil. Vrem, IV. 33a 

Sandys, G. Relation of a Voyage. London, 1615, 27. Marmara, cf. 88. 
Sathas, C. N. Publishes list of monastic documents relating to Trigliaetc 

in Mcam^iKi^ Bi^Xio^i^iciy, III. 565, 587, 594, 604. 


Savary D£ Braves, F. Relation des Voyages de M, de Brhves [1605]. 

Paris, 1630, 4 — 7. Pandeima, Cyzicus*. 
Seetzen, p. U. His route (Constantinople to Smyrna by Macestus 

Valley) is given in Zach's Monatliche Correspondenx (Gotha), viii. 

(1803) 478 note. 
Sestini, D. Lettere Odoporiche^ osia Viaggio per la penisola di Cizico etc, 

Livorno, 1785. Letter VL Marmara, Artaki, Cyzicus, Brusa. 
Viaggi e Oposcoli DiversL Berlin, 1806, 135 — 139. Soma to Brusa 

by Macestus Valley (1782). 
SiBTHORP. See Walpole, Hawkins, 
Smith, Eli. Researches in Armenia. Boston, 1833, I. 50—52. Macestus 

Valley to Mihallitch. 
Spon, J. Voyage de Vltalie et du I^evant. Lyon, 1678, 1. 284 flf. Brusa to 

Smyrna by Macestus Valley. 
Spratt, T. a. B. On the Freshwater Deposits of the Levant in Q* youm, 

Geol. Soc, London, 1858, 212 fT. Marmara Is. 
Stamaty and Collier. Their geographical observations on the Macestus 

Valley road are published in BulL Soc, Giogr, Xiv. 1830, 194-^. 
Stark, K. B. Nach dem Griechischen Orient. Heidelberg, 1882, 374 (f. 

Description of Cyzicene antiquities in the Calvert Collection. 
Stochove, V. de. Voyage du Levant. Bruxelles, 1650^ 177 — 184. Peramo, 

Panderma, Cyzicus. 
Tchihatcheff, p. Asie Mineure^ Description^ Physique^ StatisHque et 

Archiologique, Paris, 1853-69. Of his routes, edited by Kiepert in 

Petermanns Mitth.^ Erganzungsheft 20, 1867, the following concern us: 

1847, Oct 12. — Tchanak, Dimetoka^ Bigha, Balia, Balukiser, Gelembe, 

Akhissar. Dec. 1 1. — Tchanak, Dimetoka, coast to Aesepus, Mihallitch, 

Mudania. 1848, Dec. 11. — Soma, Kiresun, Balukiser, Balia. 1849, 

May 13. — Pergamus, Ivrindii Balukiser, Mendoura, Balat. 
tTEPLOW, W. Ueber die Oertlichheit der Schlacht am Granikus in Joum. 

Russ. Minist.f, Volksaufhldrung^ 1889, 102 — 112. [Bursian.] 
t (French translation.) Paris, 1890, pp. 21 and map. [Bursian.] 

Recherches sur rempiacement du champ de bataille au passage du 

Gramque in M^m, Acad. Inscrr.^ S€t. I. Tool X. (1893), Pt I. 217 — 

Texier, C. Description de PAsie Mineure. Paris, 1839-49^ n. 1560! 

Manyas, Cyzicus, Islands. PL 102 Amphitheatre. 

LAsie Mineure (V Univers^ Histoire et Description de tous les Peuples). 

II. xxxi. ff. — III. ii. — ix. contain notices of Besbicus, Dascylium, Apollonia, 
Lopadium, Kermasti, rivers and lakes, Proconnesus, Cyzicus. PL XLIII. 
(not in the Description de PAsie Mineure) Ruins at Palatia. 

1 The description is by d(u) C(hastel) the actual author of the book. It is the 
clearest and fullest early description except Cyriac's. 

* The author attempts to locate the battle on the upper Granicus. 


Thevenot, J. de. Relation (fun Voyage fait au Levant, Rouen, 1665, 

I. 72 ff. Brusa to Smyrna by Macestus Valley. 
TOMASCHEK, W. Zur Historiscken Topogrctpkie von Kleinasien im Afittel- 

alter in Sitsb. Akad, IVien, CXXIV. (1891) Ph.-Hist. CI. viti. 11 ff., 93 ff. 
TouRNEFORT, P. de. Voyage au Levant, Paris, 1717, II. 482. Brusa to 

Smyrna by Macestus Valley. 
Turner, W. Jourmd of a Tour in the East, London, 1820^ III. 

146 if. Gelembe to Brusa; ill. 189(7. Mihallitch, Ulubad, Pandenna, 

UZZANO (1442). Sailing Directions for Sea of Marmara in Pagnini, Delia 

Decima di Firenze, Lisbon, 1766, I v. 226. 
Vaillant, J. F. (the numismatist), travelled overland from Mihallitch to 

Smyrna. Cf. de Num, Imp, Gr, (1700) 349. 
Walpole, R. Voyages, London, 1820^ 48. Sibthorp (on Marmara). 

i4off. W. G. Browne^ (on the Macestus Valley route from Smyrna 

to Mihallitch). 
Wheler, G. a Journey into Greece, London, 1682, ill. 224 ff. Brusa to 

Smyrna by Macestus Valley. 
WiEGAND, T. Reisen in Mysien in Ath, Mitt, XXIX. 1904, 254 — 339. 

PIL XXIV.— XXVI. and illus. in text. Pericharaxis, Aesepus Valley, 

Aphnitis, Kapu Dagh, Cyzicus, Eski Manyas,Pergamus, Hadrianutherae, 

Miletupolis, by Macestus Valley to Angora, Byiantine fortresses in 

Wilson (Sir C. W.) in Murray's Handbook to Asia Minor^ 60 (route 25), 

Brusa to Balukiser ; 62 (route 26), Pandenna to Susuriu (Kermasti in 

route 24). 
in Murray's Handbook to Constantinople^ 119. Marmara Is. 137 ff. 

Pandenna and Karabogha. 
WiNNEFELD, H. in Winkelmanns/estprogram (Berlin), LXVin. On silver 

reliefs from Miletupolis. See also Aemtl, Bericht aus den Kgl, Kunst- 

sammlungen, XXX. 1908, 65-7. 
tWRONTSCHENKO quoted in Kiepert's Memoir, 
ZaCHAKIADIS, Ch. Ilff^i TTit ^napxiat UpoitQvvffVw in tewo^piftf I. 1 896-7, 

ZOLOTAS, G. See Lambros. 


♦tBURADA, T. O CdlMorie la Romania diu Bitimoy Jassy, 1893 (on the 

Wallachian origin of the Pistika villages). 
*Fritze, H. von, and Gaebler, H. Der Attiskult in Kywikos in Nomisma^ 

1909. PP- 33 ff. 

* Hit determination of tome points on this road is given by Leake (Atia 
preface xx). 

H. at 


AchyraUs. 91, 133, 197 

Acrocus, 196 

Adrasteia (city), 95, 158; (goddess), 3io; 

(mountain), 48, 79 
Aegaeon, 54 
Aeolians, 148 
Acsepus, R., 40 
Agora ; see Market 
Agoranomus, 957 
Agraphiotika^ 150 
A^ippi, 184, 340 
Aidin)ik, 48, 903 f 
Alaeddin» Sultan, 137, loi 
Albanians, 34, 35, 54, 86, 154, 155 
Alcibiades, 167 
Alcxa, lis 

Alexander the Great, 9, 17s 
Aliases, 948 f 
Amphitheatre, 6, 15 
Anasiasius, 188 

Anchor of the Argonauts, 158 
Andeiris, 419 
Angelocomites, R., 4) 
Antigonia, 114 
Antoninus, 186, 188 
Aorata, 196 
Aphisia, I., 36 
Aphnitis, L., 46 
Aphrodite, S35f 
Apollo, I04, ssSfT 
ApolJonia ad Rhyndacum, 68 fT, 194 
ApoUoniatis, L., 44 
Apollonis, i75f 
Apollonius Rhodiua, I56ff 
Archangelos, lai 
Architects, S57 
Archon, 95 1, 954 
Arctonne^us, 1, 6, 31 AT 
Argita, 138 
Argonauts, 157 ff, 915 
Ar^yria, lit 
Aristagoras, 164 
Arislidcs, 1410, 187 
Armenians, 51, 155 

Arrhidaeus, 173 f 

Artaki, 16 ff, 163, soi ; fountain of, 30, 

Artemea, 49, 105 
Artemis, 333 ff 
Artynia, L., 46 
Asiarch, 361 f 

Asklepios, 115, 133, 176, 336 
Assar Alan, 140 
Assar-Kal^, 110 
Athena, 180, 184, 3o6, 336 
Attis, 319, 334 
Augustus, 183 
Auumia, 35, 108 
Anrelitts, i8i8 

Baba Kalessi. 104 

Balia, 113, 139, 336 

Balkis, 5, 15 

Baluktser, 88 AT, 303 

Barbarous names, 347 

Barenus, R., 43, 108 

Bans, 105 

Basileus, 3i3 

Bayezid I, 35 

Bayeiid II, 38 

Besbicus, 53, 310, 337 

Beykeui, 91 

Bigaditcfa, 91, 94 

Bighashehr, 96, 303 

^M^ in epiuphs, 341 

Bonle, 350 

Boulenterion, 351 

Braiecuel, P. de, 33 

Bridges at Cysicus, ^, 173; at Lopa- 

dium, 78 ; near Mihallitch, 86. 1 34 ; 

at Atexa, 133; near Bighashehr, 115; 

on the Aesepus, 138; at Sultan-C'hair 

131; near Uebleki. 133; near Balia, 

Bronkolakas, 35 
Bpi>0-<f 7«0 ca^Kur^tff, 85, 196 
Brutus, 183 
Bryllion, 56 



Bulgars, 155 

Caesarea Germanice, 65 ff 
Calamus, 93, 199 ; see also Acrocus 
Calendar, 252 f 
Caligula, 184 

Calonymus (=Besbicus), 54 
Calvert. F., vii 
Carabella, T., viii 
Caracalla, 189 
Catalans, aooff 
Cedrenus, 161 
Cemeteries, 15 
Ceramidas, 19, 199 
Christian epitaphs, 144 
Christianity, early, 10S 
Chytus, harbour of, 3, 5, 30 
Cippus, 141 
Circassians, 79, 155 
Cleite, wife of Cyzicus, 158 f, 340 
" Cleite " stream, 9 
Colacretae, 150 
Commodus, 189 
Comnenus, Alexius, 194 ff 
Conon, i5o 
Constantine, 116 
Cossacks, 155 

Cybele, 914 ff; see also Dindymene 
Cyminas, M., 94, 199 
Cyriac of Ancona, 11 ff, 118, an f 
Cyzicus, site of, iff; king, 157 fff ^39; 
battle of, 167 

Dascylitis, L., 45 ff, 58 

Dascylium, 55 ff, 17a 

Debleki, 50 

Demeter, 311 

Demirdesh, 150 

Demir Kapu (gate), 9; (pass of), 13a, 

. 135 f 
Didymateiche, 90 

Dindymene, 160, 114 ff 

Dindymon, M., aaff 

Dionysus, 933 f 

Dioscuri, 338 

Doliones, 145, i58ff 

*'Domna," 319 

Drusilla, 185 

Earthquakes, 4, 77, 187, 188, 193, 194 

Eastnor, I^rd, vii 

Embilui, R., 41, 339 

Ephebi, 358 

Epic names, 347 

Eras, 71, 354 

Erdek ; see Artaki 

Ergasteria, 114, 138 

Eski Manyas, 116 

Eteoneus, 340 

Euripi, 4 

Fairs, 88, 06, T04, 133 
Faustina if, 188, 3X3 
Flaccus, Valerius, 160 
FoMs Cu^idinist 159 

Games, 359, 300, 303 
Gauls, invasion of the, 174 
Germanicus Caesar, 66 
Germe, 75, 105 
Gerousia, 354 

Goths, invasion of the, 191 
Granicus, R., 39 f, 173 
Guilds, 358 
Gumenidj, 139 
Gunen, 49, 103, 139 
Guzel Kupni, 133 
Gymnasia, 358 

Hadrian, 187 ; see also Temple of H. 

Hadrianutherae, 88 ff 

Halone, I., 35 

Harakhi, 38 

Harbours of Cyzicus, 4ff 

Harpagia, 97, 3 10 

Henderson, A., ix 

Heptaporus, R.| 43 

Heracles, 161 

Hermes, 336 

Hipparch, 354, 304 

Homonoia, 339 

Isis, 337 

Issiz Khan, 84 

Isthmus of Cyzicus, iff, 158 ; cf. 197 

"Jasonian way,*' 158 
Justinian, 193 

Kalenderoghlu, 83, 104 

Kallion, 313, 353 

Kapu Dagh ; see Arctonnesus 

Kara Ali, 54, 303 

Karabogha, 99 

Kara I^tgh, 53 

Karadja Oghlu, 149 

Karadja Pasha, 86 

Kani-d6r^, R.; see Tarstus, Embilus 

Karassi, 88 

Karesus, 113 

Kaseos, 333, 335 

Kebsud, 91 

Kermasti, 74 ff, 303 

Khans, 84, 136 

Koaste, R., 49 

Kore, 180, x88, 3ioff 

Kouvouklia, 149 

Kurshunlu, 53 

Kutali, I., 37 

Kuz Ada, 71 



Lakes, the Mysian, 45 flf, 50 AT 

Lala Shahin, 75 

Laneum, 141 

Laodice, estates of, 106 f 

Lascaris, Theodore, 197 if 

Lentiana, 118 

Limenarch, 158 

"Limne," 4, 5 

" Little Troy," 104 

Livia, 184 

Lobrinon, M., 119 

Logistes, 186, i$6 

Lopadium, 78 AT, 195 ff 

Lucallus, 179 fir, 34O 

Macestus, R., 43 

Mainotes, i5off 

Manoules, 13 

Manyas ; see Eski Manyas, Poemanenam ; 

lake of, 41 AT, 17^ 
Marble, Proconnesian, 3oflr 
Markets, 14, 184, 257 
Marmara, L = Proconnesus, 30 IT, 76, 

198, 10s, 9 16 
Marmora, George, 33 
Medicion, 66 

Megarians at Cyzicus, 164 
Melainai, 41 
Melanos prom., 18 
Melde, 76 
Memnon, of Rhodes, 171; village of, 

Mendoura, 135, 143, 157 
Mc^, 151 
MetaU, 93, 133 
Metopa, 7s 
Metrodorus, 39, 164 
Michael, S., 6s, 78, it6 
Midias, 168 
Mihallitch, 85 ff, S03 
Milesian colonization, so, 3s, 1636 
Miletopolitis, L», 45 AT, yC 
Miletapolis, 78 AT, 178, S38 
Miletus (hero;, 76 
Mithradates, 178 
Mohammed I, 83 
Monasteries ; see Besbicus, Cyminas, 

Kapa Dagh, Kara Dagh, Triglia 
Montns, Cjrzicene, i$7( 
Mouchlia, 19 ; see Ceramidas 
Muhajirs, 155 
Muntaner, sot 
Murad I, if 6, 150 
Murad II, 83, 84 
Mysians, 147 
Mysteries, sis 

Nauarch, S56 

N^oi, S59 

Sntwot^ rdr Z4^«#rdr, S57 

Nepelon Pedion, 94 
Nomenclature, S45flr 

Odryses, R., 44 
Omerkeui, 135 
Onopnictes, R., 43, 133 
Orkhan, 83, S03 
Orpkua^ 161 

Palaescepsis, no 

Pan, S37 

Panagia, I., 18, so 

Panagia Kara Dagh, 5 s 

Panagia Phaneromene, S4 

Panderma, 50 f, 197 

Panormus (harbour), 3, 5; town, see 

Pasha Liman, I. ; see Halone 
Paul, S., S08 

Pegae, 98 AT, 197 ff, sosf, S05 
Pelasgians, 51, 54, 145 
Pelecete, 6s 

Pergamon, relations with, 174 AT 
Pericharaxis, 11 4, 195 AT 
Persephone; see Kore 
Pescennius, Niger, 189 
Philetaerus of Pergamon, 1 74 
Philetaerus, S., 49 AT, so8 
Phrygia, 147 
Phrygians, 147 
Phylarch, S50 
Pisistrattts, 179 
PistiAa^ 150 
Placia, 51 f 
Placiane, si6f 

Poemanenum, 105, 11 5 AT, 138, 143 
Poketos, 49 
Pompeitts, Seztus, 183 
Poseidon, 185, so6, ssi, 135 
Prtapus, 97, ]66, 17s 
Proconnesus; see Marmara, I. 
Procopius, 19s f 
Procurator, 7s, S57 
Prvtanis, S5t 

'* Pseudantoninus," 190 note 
Ptelcae, 133 
Pytharchus, 164 
Pythia Therma, los, i6f 

River-gods, S39 
Rhyndacus, FL, 44, 180 
Rumchans, 155 
RustaQaell, R. de, viii 

Sacred Rock, 159 
Saints, local, ts 
S. Simeon, hill of, 18 
Samothrace, 171, sit 
Sarcophagi, S4S 
Sarikeut, 101 



Satala, 182 

Scylace, 51 f 

Scythians, invasions of, 190, 191 

Serapis, 317, 143 

Serou kome, 49 

Severus, Septimius, 189 

Sidene, 96 

Sigriane, 53 

Sitophylax, 357 

Solomon, 304 

Stepbanephonis, 357 

Strategus, 255, 306 

Suleiman Pasha, 103 f 

Suleiman the Magnificent, 149 

Susurlu, 134, 130 

Syk ' 

flriu, 13 
e, 63 ff 

Tachtali, ^ 

Tamashalik, 304 

Tamias, 358 

Tarsius, R., 41 

Tavshan Ada, 19 

Tchatal, M., 41 

Tchinar Bunar Kale, 104 

Tecxoiroc6f, 357 

Temple (at Cyzicus) of ApoUonis, 175; 

Hadrian, loff, 1870*; (at Apollonia) 

of Apollo, 70 f 
Theatre at Cjrncus, 6 
Theophanes, 53 
6c6t l^tffTot, 333 ff 
Thermal Springs, 141 ; see also Gunen, 

Pythia Therma 

Thiasi, 307 

Thracian Harbour, 5 ; village, 

Tiberius, 184 f 
Timaeus, 173 
Timotheus, 168 
Timotheus, S., 33 
Titias, 3 10 
Top Hissar, 118 
"Tower of William," 119, 301 
Trapezites, 358 
Tribes, 350, 353 f 
Triglia, 58 ff 
Trinities, 335 
Trocmi, invasion of, 175 
Tryphaena, Antonia, 4, 184, 357 
Tryphaena, S., 309 
Tumuli, 109, 159 
Tyche, 138 

Ulubad; see Lopadinm 
*Tir6funifUi, 343 ff 

Village-administration, 355 

Walls of Cyzicns, 6 ff, 167 n^ 

YaU-chiftlik, 55, 149 

Zaccaria, Martino, 33 
Zaganos Pasha, 89 
Zeleia, toi ff, 353 
2^s, 333 ff 






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